• About
  • Farmers

vedika

~ your forum for critical and constructive writings

vedika

Tag Archives: MARXIST

Rebuilding the left in the United States

31 Wednesday May 2017

Posted by raomk in Current Affairs, History, INTERNATIONAL NEWS, Left politics, Opinion, USA

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

'Socialist' Bernie Sanders, Bernie Sanders, Democratic Socialists of America, DSA, Left in the United States, MARXIST, Socialism

Rebuilding the left in the United States

Socialism has gained a following in the United States, at least among young people. Polls conducted in the past few years have shown that more people under the age of 30 hold a favourable view of socialism than of capitalism.

The rise of self-described socialist Bernie Sanders to be a challenger to Hillary Clinton in the Democratic Party’s presidential primaries last year gave concrete expression to these sentiments, with the Vermont senator overwhelmingly winning the youth vote.

What does this mean for the US left and the relatively small groups of socialists trying to organise resistance to Trump and build a political alternative to the status quo? Viktoria Ivanova and Daniel Lopez spoke with Tithi Bhattacharya, a US socialist activist and one of the organisers of the 8 March International Women’s Strike, about the state of the left in the US today.

How have Bernie Sanders and then the Trump presidency shaken things up for the US left?

Bernie Sanders opened up a mass conversation about social inequality in this country and rescued the word “socialism” from its Cold War legacy. But it is worth pointing out that this process of radicalisation did not begin with Bernie.

I would date its beginning roughly around the crash of 2008 and its social expression in a series of phenomena such as Occupy Wall Street, the protests around Trayvon Martin’s murder [a young Black man shot by a Neighbourhood Watch volunteer] and the growing movement around the pro-Palestine BDS campaign on college campuses, which developed in sharpness and power throughout that period.

I would even count the vote for Obama in 2008 as one of the first expressions of this “mood” (it was too diffuse to be called a clear ideological shift). I was in Chicago the night Obama won. The mood of people on the streets, mostly people of colour, was exultant.

I think, given this slow but steady history, we can say that the radicalisation is both horizontal in its breadth and vertical in its reach; it both encompasses many social groups and is quite sharp when it comes to certain questions, such as police brutality or the realisation that wealth is obscenely divided in favour of the rich in the US.

So the mass outpouring of anti-Trump protests that began in January, of which [the women’s march of] 8 March was a small but proud part, did not come out of the blue, but was embedded in this longer history.

I want to also introduce a note of caution to this narrative. While there is tremendous ferment in the world of ideas, the ideas have not always gained organisational expression. The growth of explicitly socialist organisations such as the Democratic Socialists of America [DSA] is wonderful and welcome, but in order for the radicalisation to have an effect on the ruling class, it is necessary to rebuild basic working class organisations, such as trade unions.

Can you talk about how the left has responded? From a distance, it seems that the DSA has been most successful in relating to the new situation. What challenges and opportunities has this raised?

I think the growth of the DSA is great for all of us on the left. DSA comrades campaigned for Bernie and helped generalise some of the core messages regarding social inequality. Jacobin magazine, which many DSA comrades are associated with, has also played a vital role as a social primer for a new generation of activists and recirculating socialist ideas.

Having said that, I also think other far left groups have also grown during this period. Both Socialist Alternative* and the International Socialist Organization come to mind. Both of these organisations have open Marxist and internationalist politics, and it is really energising to note a growth in such groups.

Your group, the ISO, defines itself as a revolutionary socialist organisation, so it is well to the left of the broadly social democratic sentiment that coalesced around Bernie Sanders. How have you related to this audience? What have the challenges been?

The challenge is to win this new generation of activists to two things – firstly to Marxism and secondly to the idea that organisations of a certain kind are key to social change. Let me start with the latter.

By this I do not mean the ISO per se. Of course I want the ISO to grow. But what I mean by this is that we need to win the new generation to the question of (what I was trained to call) “party and class”. We cannot simply try to grow a Marxist organisation; we must also try to grow broader coalitions and organisations of the working class, such as trade unions and united fronts around specific areas of work. But these broad groups, if they are to build class power and confront the 1 percent, need to have Marxist ideas (among other ideas) at their core. For this we need the core Marxist groups and their influence to grow.

Which brings me to the question of Marxism itself. How do we generalise key Marxist ideas in this huge country, where the infrastructure of the left is so very weak? Here, my answer is that we need to seize every opportunity to project these ideas.

Not in a mechanical fashion – no mass movement can be built with quotations from Capital volume one – but by applying Marxism to our current struggles. We in the International Women’s Strike tried to do that. We wanted to apply and generalise a clear class analysis for the feminist movement, and we tried to convey that in our two central slogans: 1. feminism for the 99 percent and 2. solidarity is our weapon.

The movements – Black Lives Matter and the feminist movement, to name just two – have been important in recent years. How has the Trump presidency impacted these, and how has the socialist left responded?

The most heartening aspect of 8 March for us was to see the birth of a distinctly left wing feminist movement. For too long, the women’s movement in the US – its actors, its language – has been dominated by corporate feminism – as if the goal of feminism is to succeed within capitalist structures rather than develop tools to dismantle them.

By tying the emancipation of women to the emancipation of the class as a whole, the women’s strike managed to create a national conversation about working class feminism, or feminism of the 99 percent. Some of the leading organisers of the International Women’s Strike were trained in Marxist organisations, a training that proved to be invaluable in determining how to work with non-Marxists in a comradely way, when to collaborate with liberals and where to draw the line and so on.

In the days to come, we will face many such movement-sprouts – formations about to take off, coalitions ready to be launched. It is important that revolutionaries develop a clear, non-sectarian approach to such developments, welcome all signs of movement, while at the same time sharpening our analysis – because not everything is a repetition of the old. Some things are new. And we need to use the Marxist method in assessing such changes, rather than trying to fit reality into a quote from Marx or Lenin.

The debate about how the socialist left ought to orient towards the Democratic Party has flared up recently. Could you summarise your position on this?

The Democratic Party is not a blank slate ready to be moulded by left wing activists. It has a clear infrastructure and an even clearer history of how any attempt to change it is in effect, not just futile, but really asking the wrong question.

What needs to be asked is not whether the Democratic Party can be changed but whether we can build rank and file militants in workplaces right now, whether we can rebuild the union movement in this country right now. Revolutionaries should not look to Democratic Party structures and spend their time calculating success on ballot lines. We should concentrate on the vast majority of working class people, who are disillusioned with the Democrats and yet see no alternative to them.

These are our people. And they can start to rebuild confidence in the class only if we concentrate on struggle – both at the point of production and outside of it. Class struggle is the key to dismantling the Democrats’ stranglehold, not struggle to gain a foothold in the capitalist party of Hillary Clinton.

—–

* Socialist Alternative – a socialist group associated with the Committee for a Workers’ International with chapters across the USA. No connection with the Australian group of the same name.

This article first published on 26 May 2017 in redflag.org.au

Share this:

  • Tweet
  • More

Like this:

Like Loading...

‘అవును నేను మతపరమైన మార్క్సిస్టును ‘

18 Saturday Jun 2016

Posted by raomk in Current Affairs, History, INTERNATIONAL NEWS, Left politics, Opinion

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

1965 Symposium, communism, D.N. Aidit, Indonesian Communist Party (PKI)., MARXIST, PKI, religious Marxist, Suharto, victims of 1965

160614_ID_IlhamAidit-1000.jpg

ఎంకెఆర్‌

   తండ్రి, ఆ నాటికి ప్రపంచంలో మూడవ పెద్ద కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ అధ్యక్షుడు. అప్పటికి అతని వయస్సు 43 సంవత్సరాలే. కుట్ర చేసి సైనిక నియంతలు, వారి తాబేదార్లు కలిసి ఆయనను హత్యచేసిన సమయంలో కేవలం ఆరు సంవత్సరాల వయస్సున్న పసివాడతను. ఐదులక్షల మందికిపైగా కమ్యూనిస్టులు, అభిమానులుగా అనుమానించిన వారిని హతమార్చి, అంతకంటే ఎక్కువ సంఖ్యలో జైళ్లలో కుక్కిన సమయంలో మిగిలిన ఆ కుటుంబం ఎలాగో తప్పించుకుంది. తరువాత ఆ బాలుడు స్కూలుకు వెళితే ప్రతి రోజూ కమ్యూనిస్టు అంటూ సహాధ్యాయులు తిట్టేవారు. తొలి రోజుల్లో తట్టుకోలేకపోయినా తరువాత చలించలేదు, నా తండ్రిని ఎందుకు చంపారు, ఆయన నమ్మిన కమ్యూనిజాన్ని అంతగా ఎందుకు ద్వేషిస్తున్నారు? అసలు కమ్యూనిజం అంటే ఏమిటి అని ఆ చిన్న వయసులోనే, ఆ చీకటి రోజుల్లోనే అతని మనస్సులో జిజ్ఞాస మొదలైంది.నియంతల చీకటి పాలనలోనే మానవాళికే వెలుగునిచ్చే మార్క్సిజం గురించి తెలుసుకున్నాడు. ఇపుడు యాభై ఆరు సంవత్సరాల వయసులో తాను మార్క్సిస్టును అని సగర్వంగా చెబుతున్నాడు.అతడెవరో కాదు, నిషేధానికి గురైన ఇండోనేషియా కమ్యూనిస్టుపార్టీ చివరి అధ్యక్షుడు దీపా నౌసంత్ర అయిదిత్‌ (డిఎన్‌ అయిదిత్‌ గా ప్రపంచానికి సుపరిచితం) కుమారుడు, ఆర్కిటెక్షర్‌గా పనిచేస్తున్న ఇలహమ్‌ అయిదిత్‌.

   యాభై సంవత్సరాల నాడు జరిగిన మారణకాండ గురించి విచారణ జరపాలని, దోషులను శిక్షించాలని, నాటి నిజానిజాలేమిటో వెల్లడించాలన్న డిమాండ్‌ రోజు రోజుకూ పెరిగిపోతోంది.ఈ పూర్వరంగంలో గాయాలను మాన్పే పేరుతో ప్రభుత్వమే రెండు రోజుల పాటు అధికారికంగా ఒక సదస్సు నిర్వహించింది. దానికి పోటీగా నాటి మారణకాండలో పాల్గొన్నవారు, వారి మద్దతుదారులు జూన్‌ ఒకటి రెండు తేదీలలో విచారణకు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఒక సదస్సు జరిపారు. ఈ పూర్వరంగంలో 1965-66 సంవత్సరాలలో జరిపిన మారణ కాండకు ప్రభుత్వం క్షమాపణ చెబుతుందా, దోషులపై విచారణ జరుపుతుందా, బాధిత కుటుంబాలకు పునరావాసం కల్పిస్తుందా అన్నది ప్రస్తుతం ఇండోనేషియాలో చర్చగా వుంది. ఇండోనేషియాలో ప్రస్తుతం పౌరపాలనే నడుస్తున్నప్పటికీ అదెంతో బలహీనంగా వుంది. అధికారంలో వున్నవారి ఆదేశాలను వక్రీకరించి తమ అజెండాను అమలు జరిపేందుకు మిలిటరీ, పోలీసు వ్యవస్ధలు ప్రయత్నిస్తున్నాయి. ఇప్పటికీ కమ్యూనిజంపై నిషేధం కొనసాగటాన్ని అవకాశంగా తీసుకొని అభ్యుదయ లేదా ప్రశ్నించే ప్రతి వారినీ కమ్యూనిస్టు అని చివరకు ఎర్రచొక్కా వేసుకున్న ప్రతివారూ కమ్యూనిస్టులే అని సూత్రీకరించి టీషర్టులను అమ్మేవారిని కూడా కమ్యూనిస్టు ప్రచారకులుగా చిత్రించి అరెస్టు చేసిన విపరీత పరిస్ధితి అక్కడ వుంది. చివరకు అధ్యక్షుడు జోకోవియే స్వయంగా యంత్రాంగం అతిగా ప్రవర్తిస్తోందని వ్యాఖ్యానించాల్సి వచ్చింది. ఇప్పటికీ గ్రామాల వరకు మిలిటరీ వ్యవస్ధ వేళ్లూనుకొని వుంది. అయినా వచ్చిన కాస్త వెసులుబాటును వుపయోగించుకొని అభ్యుదయ వాదులు, మానవ హక్కుల కార్యకర్తలు కమ్యూనిస్టు వ్యతిరేక దమనకాండ వాస్తవాలను బయట పెట్టాలని డిమాండ్‌ చేస్తున్నారు. ఈ నేపధ్యంలో ఇలహమ్‌ అయిదిత్‌తో రంజాన్‌ మాసం ప్రారంభమైన కొద్ది రోజుల క్రితం బేనార్‌ స్యూస్‌ జరిపిన ఇంటర్వ్యూలో చెప్పిన అంశాలేమిటో చదవండి మరి.

ప్రభుత్వం మీద మీరు విశ్వాసం కోల్పోయారా ?

నేను ఆశావాదిని కాదు, కానీ ఏం జరుగుతుందో తెలియదు. ఈ అంశంలో జోకోవి( దేశ అధ్యక్షుడు) ప్రభావం చూపవచ్చు, ఆయన ధృడంగా వున్నారు. ఇక తొలి సదస్సు తరువాత అనేక భిన్నాభిప్రాయాలు తలెత్తాయి. లుహుత్‌ బిన్సర్‌ పాండిజైతన్‌ (ఇండోనేషియా హోం మంత్రి) అగస్‌ విడ్‌జోజో( ప్రభుత్వం ఏర్పాటు చేసిన సదస్సు అధ్యక్షుడు ) ఎంతో సహనంతో వుండటాన్ని నేను చూశాను. కానీ వాస్తవంలో ఎంతో ప్రతిఘటన వుంది. అందుకే జోకోవి పాత్ర ప్రభావం చూపుతుంది, మారణకాండపై అతను క్షమాపణ చెబుతారా? పునరావాసం కలిగించటం అన్నది అధ్యక్షుడి విచక్షణకు సంబంధించింది.

మీ మాదిరే ఇతర బాధిత కుటుంబాలు, బంధువులు కూడా నిరాశావాదులుగా వున్నారా ?

అంతా అలా లేరు, అయితే ప్రభుత్వం పాలు( సులావెసి ప్రాంతంలోని ఒక పట్టణం)ను అనుసరిస్తుందని నేను అనుకుంటున్నాను. ఆ నగర మేయర్‌ చర్య ఆశ్చర్యకరమైనది. పాలులో 1965లో సామూహిక హాత్యాకాండ జరిగిందని వారు గుర్తించారు,సమాధానపరిచారు, స్ధానిక యంత్రాంగం క్షమాపణ చెప్పింది. బాధితులకు పరిహారం చెల్లించనప్పటికీ వారు మాజీ ఖైదీలు జబ్బు పడినపుడు వారికి వుచిత వైద్యంతో పాటు సామాజిక భద్రత కల్పించారు. నేను తప్పుగా అర్ధం చేసుకోకపోతే మూడవ తరంవారి వరకు అవి అందుతాయి. దానిని వుదాహరణగా తీసుకోవాలి, జోకోవి కనీసం ఆ పని చేయగలరు.

జూన్‌ ఒకటి రెండు తేదీలలో వుద్యోగ విరమణ చేసిన సైనిక జనరల్స్‌ ఎందుకు సదస్సు జరిపారంటారు ?

ఆ సదస్సు ఒక ప్రహసనం. సమాధానపరచటమనే ఇతివృత్తంతో దానిని జరిపారు, కానీ క్షమాపణ చెప్పాల్సిన అవసరం లేదని వారు తీర్మానించారు. అది సమాధానపరచటం కాదు కదా. సైన్యంలో అసంతృప్తి వుందని అది ప్రతిబింబిస్తోంది. అగస్‌ విడ్‌జోజో, హెన్‌డ్రాప్‌రియోనో మరియు లుహుత్‌ బిన్సర్‌ పాండిజైతన్‌ వంటి సంస్కరణవాదులైన జనరల్స్‌ వున్నారు, మానవ హక్కుల వుల్లంఘన జరిగిందని, దానికి సదుద్ధేశ్యంతో కూడిన పరిష్కారం అవసరం అని వారు గుర్తించారు. అది కషాయం వంటిదే అయినా , అవును దానికి సాయుధ బలగాలనే తప్పు పట్టాలని అని కనీసంగా వారు చెప్పవచ్చు, ఎందుకంటే ఆ సమయంలో వారు తప్పు చేసినట్లు రుజువులున్నాయి కనుక… ఇదే సమయంలో సంస్కరణవాద వ్యతిరేక మిలిటరీ వర్గం వుంది. వారిలో రక్షణ మంత్రి రేమిజర్డ్‌ రేకుడు, కివలన్‌ జెన్‌, కివీ శ్యాంకరి వంటి వారంతా దానిలో వున్నారు, వారంతా ఇప్పటికీ సుహార్తో నాయకత్వంలో మాదిరి మిలిటరీ స్వర్ణయుగంలో వున్నామనుకుంటున్నారు.

ఈ సమయంలో చట్టబద్దమైన పరిష్కారాన్ని మీరు ఎందుకు అంగీకరించటలేదు ?

ఒక పాత సమస్యకు న్యాయేతర పరిష్కార మార్గం సరైనదని అనుకుంటున్నాను. అందుకు బలమైన సాక్ష్యం వుంది. మంచి సర్దుబాటు, రాజీకి నాలుగు షరతులు వున్నాయి. ఒకటి, సామూహిక హత్యలు జరిగాయి. రెండు, ఈ విషయాన్ని బహిరంగంగా అంగీకరించాలి, మూడు, నిజం చెప్పాలి, ఆ తరువాత దాన్ని యధాతధంగా స్కూలు పుస్తకాలలో వివరించటంతో పాటు దాని ప్రభావం ఎలా పడిందో కూడా వివరించాలి. నాలుగు, పరిస్థితిని చక్కపరచటం, దానితో ముడిపడివున్న పరిహారం, పునరావాసం, క్షమాభిక్ష.

కానీ లుహుత్‌ క్షమాపణ చెప్పటం కుదరదని చెప్పారు, ప్రభుత్వం క్షమాపణ చెప్పాలని మీరు ఇప్పటికీ అనుకుంటున్నారా ?

నేను తగ్గుతున్నాను, ఎందుకంటే బహుశా విచార ప్రకటనకు మాత్రమే అవకాశం వుంటుందని లుహుత్‌ చెప్పారు. కానీ విచార ప్రకటనకు, క్షమాపణకు మధ్య వున్న తేడా మీకు తెలుసు, మొదటిది కేవలం సానుభూతి మాత్రమే. అది కూడా జరగదేమోనని నేను ఇప్పుడు ఆందోళనపడుతున్నాను. వాస్తవాలను వెల్లడి చేయకుండా పునరావాసం కలిగించటం అసాధారణం అవుతుంది, అది వికారమైన తర్కం అవుతుంది. డిఎన్‌ఎ(డిఎన్‌ అయిదిత్‌ ) ఎన్నడూ విచారణను ఎదుర్కొనలేదు, ఆయన నేరం చేసి వుంటే విచారణ జరిపి వుండాల్సింది. తప్పుంటే వురి శిక్ష విధించినా సమస్య వుండేది కాదు, కానీ న్యాయ విచారణ జరగాలి కదా !

   అధ్యక్షులుగా పనిచేసిన వారు అనేకమంది మారారు, కానీ 1965-66లో జరిగిన కమ్యూనిస్టు వ్యతిరేక వూచకోత సమస్యను ఇంతవరకు పరిష్కరించలేదు, దశాబ్దాల పాటు సాగదీయటానికి కారణం ఏమిటి ?

అధ్యక్షుడు సుహార్తో నాయకత్వంలో నూతన వ్యవస్ధ పేరుతో కమ్యూనిస్టు వ్యతిరేక ప్రచారం పెద్ద ఎత్తున సాగింది. ఎంతో మంది జనం బుర్రల్లో అది నిలిచిపోయింది. దాని గురించి ఏమీ తెలియని వారిలో కూడా అది వ్యతిరేకతను కలిగించింది, ఇప్పటికీ వున్నది. అందుకే అలాంటి వ్యతిరేకత ప్రబలి వున్నది. మరోవైపు ఈ సమస్యను పరిష్కరించకూడదు అని చెప్పేవారు కూడా వున్నారు, వారు నేరం చేసినట్లు అది స్పష్టం చేస్తున్నది.

దీనిని ఎవరు చేస్తున్నారు ?

మిలిటరీ నూతన వ్యవస్ధ ప్రాభవాన్ని కాంక్షిస్తున్న కొంత మంది జనరల్స్‌ వున్నారు, ఈ సమస్య ద్వారా మరోసారి దానికోసం మార్గం వెతికేందుకు ప్రయత్నించారు. ఏదో ఒక సమస్య సాకు కోసం మాట్లాడటం అందరికీ తెలిసిందే. అదృష్టం కొద్దీ జనం ఎంతో చురుకుగా వున్నారు. కానీ ఇప్పటికీ కమ్యూనిస్టు ముప్పు వుందని వారు ఆలోచించటం అసాధారణంగా వుంది. ప్రపంచంలో మనది తీవ్రంగా భయపడుతున్న దేశంగా వుంది. కమ్యూనిజం పునరుద్ధరణ గురించి ఇండోనేషియా తప్ప ఏ దేశమూ భయపడటం లేదు.తీవ్రవాదులైన ఐఎస్‌ లేదా ఆల్‌ ఖైదా నుంచి నిజమైన ముప్పు వస్తున్నందున దాని గురించి వారు భయపడాలి.కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ పునరుద్ధరణ సమస్య, వారికి ఎవరు నిధులు ఇస్తారు ? కమ్యూనిజాన్ని నిషేధించినట్లు అందరికీ తెలుసు.

ఈ సమస్యను ఇంకా సాగదీయటం గురించి మీరేమనుకుంటున్నారు?

దాన్ని మీరు వూహించుకోవచ్చు, యువతరం మంచి వుదాహరణను చూడజాలదు. రాజ్యం క్షమాపణ చెప్పినట్లు మీరు వూహించుకోండి, వారిని మీరు గౌరవించరా ? గౌరవ ప్రదమైన చర్యను యువతరం అనుసరిస్తుంది, ఇప్పటికీ నిందలపాలు అవుతున్న బాధితులు కూడా క్షమిస్తాము అని చెప్పటానికి వీలుకలుగుతుంది.

మీకు కమ్యూనిజం గురించి ఎలా తెలిసింది?

ఇండోనేషియా కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ అధ్య క్షుడిగా నా తండ్రి పనిచేశారని నేను తెలుసుకున్నాను. అదంతా నా మనస్సులో వుంది. వారు రైతులు, మత్స్యకారులు, ఇతర జనాన్ని సమర్ధించారు, కానీ నేను హైస్కూలులో వుండగా కమ్యూనిజం గురించి చదవాలన్న ఆసక్తి ఏర్పడింది. మార్క్సిజం దానికి పునాది అని తెలుసుకున్నాను.

కమ్యూనిజం గురించి తెలుసుకోవాలని మీకు ఆసక్తి కలిగించినది ఏమిటి ?

నా తండ్రి చేసిన తప్పిదం ఏమిటి అన్న కుతూహలమే ప్రధానంగా నన్ను ప్రేరేపించింది.నేను హైస్కూలులో వుండగా కొన్ని విశ్లేషణ మెళకువలను తెలుసుకోవటం ప్రారంభించాను.ఈ ప్రపంచంలో అనేక సిద్ధాంతాలు వున్నాయని తెలుసుకున్నాను. డబ్బుకు అనుకూలమైన సిద్ధాంతం ఒకటుంది, జనం తాము ఎక్కడ పుట్టాలో ఎంచుకోలేరు కనుక ఈ ప్రపంచంలోని సంపదనంతటినీ జనమంతటికీ సమానంగా పంచాలన్న సిద్ధాంతం ఒకటి వుంది. కమ్యూనిస్టు భావన గురించి నేను ఒక స్కూలు స్నేహితుడిద్వారా చదివాను. అతని తండ్రి కమ్యూనిస్టు కాకపోయినా వారి వద్ద ఎంతో సాహిత్యం వుంది. వుదాహరణకు గాంధీ ఒక హిందువు అయినా ఆయనను మీరు అభిమానించవచ్చు, ఆయన గురించి పుస్తకాలు కలిగి వుండవచ్చు. నేను ఆ విధంగా చదువుకున్నాను.

కమ్యూనిస్టుగా మారటమంటే అర్ధం మీరు నాస్తికులా ?

కమ్యూనిస్టుగా వుండటమంటే అర్ధం నాస్తికుడని కాదు….మా తండ్రి వుపవాసాలు వున్నారు, రంజాన్‌ పండుగ చేసుకున్నారు. కానీ ఆయన నూతన ప్రపంచాన్ని సృష్టించాలని అనుకున్నారు. సామాజిక తరగతులు లేకుండా చేయాలనుకున్నారు.దానికీ దేవుడికీ సంబంధం లేదు.నాస్తికుడని ముద్రవేశారు, అది సుహార్తో హయాంలో జరిగిన ప్రచారం, అది పని చేసింది. భౌతిక సంపదలను సమంగా పంచినపుడే ప్రపంచం సుఖంగా వుంటుందని మార్క్స్‌ చెప్పారు.ఆ సూత్రంతో నేను ఏకీభవిస్తాను.మనల్ని పెట్టుబడిదారులు పాలించటాన్ని అనుమతించకూడదు.

అయితే మీరు ఒక కమ్యూనిస్టు ?

నేను కమ్యూనిస్టు అనే దాని కంటే ఎక్కువగా మార్క్సిస్టును అని చెప్పగలను

మీరు నాస్తికులా ?

నేను ఇప్పుడు వుపవాసం వుంటున్నాను, నేను మతపరమైన మార్క్సిస్టును అందులో గందరగోళం లేదు కదా ?

Share this:

  • Tweet
  • More

Like this:

Like Loading...

A POLITICAL REVOLUTION FOR THE U.S. LEFT

06 Sunday Mar 2016

Posted by raomk in INTERNATIONAL NEWS, Left politics, Opinion, USA

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

Bernie Sanders, communist, Democratic party, MARXIST, POLITICAL REVOLUTION, Socialist, The Left’s, THE U.S. LEFT

Ethan Young – March 2016

The U.S. Left is in the process of emerging from decades of decline. It entered the Obama years in terrible shape: politically incoherent, cut off from its historical continuity, and organizationally and socially fragmented. Yet in the last years there have been signs of awakening, and in the past few months a new progressive insurgency has appeared, piercing public consciousness in a way not seen in generations.

The most distinctive form this insurgency takes is the Bernie Sanders campaign for the Democratic Party nomination for president in 2016. Sanders is the first self-proclaimed socialist to win a national audience since Eugene V. Debs ran as the Socialist Party’s presidential candidate in the early 20th century, and the size of his base is arguably greater than that of any socialist leader in U.S. history.

This is primarily a political movement with social overtones—in particular, its embrace by students and young people, mainly white, who are responding to an anti-austerity message presented clearly, forcefully and repeatedly. The racial composition is significant because African American and Latino constituencies, in most cases, comprise the most left-leaning sectors of the electorate and of the working class nationally.

Social movements have also appeared (or re-appeared) in response to social issues stimulated by neoliberalism, and by the rise of the nativist, religious, and armed far Right. Black Lives Matter is a network of young Black activists responding to an epidemic of deadly racist police violence. Fight for $15 is a labor-initiated campaign of mostly non-union, low-wage workers demanding a higher minimum wage. DREAMers demand an end to deportation and mass imprisonment of immigrants without papers. There are many more.

Social Movements and their Repression

The current political moment will be discussed in further detail below, but first some particularities about U.S. social movements must be understood before we can make sense of the concept of a “U.S. Left.” Repeated attempts to introduce a social democratic or labor party that could eclipse the Democratic/Republican duopoly have never succeeded. From 1900 to 1946, the political Left was largely embodied in two parties: Socialist and Communist. Both of these parties fell to the background during the years of the New Deal and World War II. After the war, the purge of leftists from government, unions and civil service marginalized both the SP and the CP. From that time on, the majority of those identifying with socialism were either former party members or never-affiliated independents. Higher education was the only public arena where a few could express support for socialism without severe ostracism.

The U.S. state, the FBI in particular, spent millions to spy on and disrupt left social movements. This was logical, since that area in society was the most unpredictable, and the hardest for the insular, conformist culture of capitalism to comprehend. Nevertheless, such movements had a tendency to spring into action and threaten the status quo, generally considered impregnable during the national economy’s Golden Age. In every case, some of those in the movements engaging in protest and street action turned to organized political action, and began to shift the direction of national and local politics. Many turned to Marxist study and cadre groups of various persuasions, in the absence of a central political organization for the broader Left after the 1969 collapse of SDS, the largest radical student group in the nation’s history.

With limited contributions from marginal political parties and unions, in a stable economy, and coming out of a period of intense repression in the 1950s, social movements achieved astonishing results during the Johnson and Nixon administrations. The civil rights movement eliminated de jure racial segregation and discrimination, and broke through the violent abrogation of voting rights for African Americans in the South. The women’s movement broke through society-wide restrictions on gender equality. Legal breakthroughs have marked the years since, leading to the Right directly attacking the goals and gains of social movements, as a central pillar of their strategy.

The dramatic turn in public opinion against the Vietnam War changed politics to an unprecedented extent. By the early 1970s the mood had shifted from unquestioning acceptance of militarism and imperial crusades, to outright hostility towards the pro-war stances of both parties. This largely arose from the student movement’s efforts to oppose the war under Johnson and Nixon, which sparked the broader peace movement and provided hundreds of thousands of activists.

These movements were constantly subjected to state repression, from infiltration to imprisonment to murder. Internal tensions also contributed to their inability to cohere politically. Subsequent events that indicated mass opposition to neoliberalism—the Jesse Jackson campaigns of 1984 and 1988, the altermondialiste Battle of Seattle at the WTO in 1999, Occupy Wall Street—all emerged with little or no backing or direction from any traditional form of the political Left.

From Bush to Obama

The fragmentation of the Left mirrored the increasing fragmentation of society under neoliberalism, to an extent. The gulfs between the intellectual sector of the Left, the political Left, and the social movements had debilitating effects on all three. In the academy, cultural studies diverted the discussion of the ideas generated by social movements into apolitical hairsplitting. This phenomenon, generated by the increased precariousness of careers in higher education (“publish or perish”) continues to influence discussions in social movements and the political Left.

The Left’s prospects grew even dimmer in 2000. Rightist influence in the judicial branch of government forced through an otherwise illegitimate seating of George W. Bush as president. This was simultaneously an abrogation of electoral democracy; an effective coup d’etat by one party and one governmental branch, upending the separation of powers; and another in a series of capitulations made by the Democratic Party to the rightward-moving private sector and the Pentagon.

This was almost immediately followed by the attacks of September 11, 2001, which led to a wave of xenophobia and militarist jingoism that still holds sway in large popular segments. The most dangerous result was the PATRIOT Act, which eased restrictions on domestic repression and military intervention. This in turn was followed by the misbegotten Iraq war. The inability of mass protest to head off the bombing and invasion essentially broke the peace movement.

The Obama election and re-election (2008 and 2012), then, came as a surprise for supporters and opponents alike. Obama was a center-leftist, running on his opposition to the Iraq war and mild criticism of neoliberalism. This distinction from his rival Hillary Clinton was minor compared to the unexpected success of an African American candidate in a period of relative ebb in Black social movement activity. The role of race in the formation of capital in the U.S. is fundamental, and the idea of a Black president was virtually unthinkable until the 1980s. Obama’s rise highlighted the rise of a Black political class in cities and states which had consolidated since the Jackson campaigns. It also flagged the growing non-white demographic, poised to outnumber whites in a matter of decades.

Obama’s critics on the Left decried his incrementalism and his continuation of the Bush administration’s role in the Mideast. But Obama was no neoconservative, and he kept a critical stance toward extremely powerful sectors, including oil, pharmaceuticals, private insurance, the gun lobby, and pro-Likud hawks. On some occasions these criticisms were backed by action—for example, he took on the Religious Right—and overall this yielded space for more left, anti-neoliberal political motion at the Democratic Party’s electoral base.

Bernie Sanders’ Campaign

This manifested in the whirlwind rise of the Bernie Sanders campaign. In some ways this was as unprecedented and as unexpected as Obama’s ascent. Sanders has always been an anomaly in U.S. politics. His views since his early years of activism as a student in the early 60s were consistently New Left: socialist but not pro-Soviet, and framed by the social movements he encountered. Like many others, he moved towards electoral politics, but saw the Democratic Party as a quagmire. He saw the efforts of socialist electoral campaigns: the largest at the time, the Socialist Workers Party, was concerned with spreading their Trotskyist program rather than winning.

Sanders’ pragmatism chafed at this approach. He moved to Vermont, a rural, mostly white New England state where many East Coast liberals and radicals were migrating. He worked in local third-party efforts, and won election after election as an independent—as mayor of Burlington, congressional representative, and finally senator from Vermont—the only elected independent in the U.S. Senate. His successes were based on careful coalition-building and keeping campaign promises. Throughout, he never backtracked on his identification with socialism.

The anti-neoliberal wing of the Democrats and Occupy veterans originally stumped for Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren. When it became clear that Warren would not run, attention turned to Sanders. He was viewed as a risky choice, both for his socialism and for his independence from the Democrats. Progressive Democrats of America, a rump group active in several states, convinced Sanders to run for the Democratic nomination against the assumed frontrunner Hillary Clinton. Online activists from Occupy began consolidating data for a Sanders campaign.

No one in the Democratic Party had high expectations for the Sanders campaign. Left critics urged Sanders to run as an independent or Green candidate. He made clear that all his hopes rested on winning a following for an anti-neoliberal platform. To avoid the stigma of splitting the Democratic vote and ensuring a Republican victory, Sanders pledged to support whomever won the party’s nominated candidate if he lost the primaries or was squeezed out in the national convention. (Ralph Nader’s run as a Green in 2000 may or may not have led to a tie vote between George W. Bush and Al Gore, and still sits badly with Democratic leftists. Donald Trump made a similar pledge to the Republicans, then took it back when his lead was challenged by another rightist demagogue, Rafael “Ted” Cruz.)

Sanders’ straightforward attacks on Wall Street, big money in politics, and racism won approval first with aging leftists, and then, unexpectedly, with Millennials. The word spread through sharing and networking on social media, rather than through unions and nongovernmental organizations with large “get out the vote” operations. This led to the largest influx of small donations to an electoral campaign in history. The Democratic Party leadership was completely taken off guard—to the initial delight of the Republicans—until they realized that a socialist was drawing the biggest crowds of any candidate.

The “Political Revolution”

The most significant feature of the campaign is the agreement between Sanders and his volunteers that only a coordinated mass political movement (a “political revolution”) could enable a president elected by any margin to effectively oppose the “billionaire class.” Moreover, he may prove unable to win the nomination. An organized, politically coherent Left, inside and outside the party duopoly, is the first order of business, whether the centrist Clinton or one of the far right Republican contenders wins the election in November.

Part of the emerging, reconstructed Left will likely take the form of an anti-neoliberal “Sanders Democrats” wing of the Democratic Party. This could directly challenge party centrists in every state, and change the direction of policy battles in Congress and in state and city governments. It would also further challenge the view on the Left that holds to a purist stance of permanently attacking the Democrats as a class enemy. This tendency, which sees the formation of a third party as always the immediate priority in electoral politics, claims that its opponents are careerists or naive liberals. However, the most widely held view among independent leftists is an “inside/outside” strategy, favoring independent candidates where the power of the party machine excludes progressive reformers. Some die-hards of the other camp have been swayed by the upsurge for Sanders.

Sanders’ campaign promotes policies that run counter to neoliberalism and anti-government conservatism, but despite the socialist banner he flies, they don’t undermine capitalism per se. Sanders is more feared for his emphasis on mass mobilization—strengthening democracy under attack by the private sector and quasi-fascist elements. His campaign has made the word “socialist” acceptable in ways that it never was heretofore in the U.S. Now the tiny socialist movement has a chance to crawl out of the rubble and join a new generation, fueled by disgust for the capitalist system and a growing determination to replace it with something just, sustainable, and beautiful.

This article first published in rosalux-nyc.org

Share this:

  • Tweet
  • More

Like this:

Like Loading...

The returns of Marx

05 Saturday Dec 2015

Posted by raomk in INTERNATIONAL NEWS, Left politics, Opinion

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

communist, Marx, MARXIST, MARXIST CRITICISM

Aldo Tortorella from the latest issue of the journal MARXIST CRITICISM we publish the introduction returns of Marx, organized by Fondazione Luigi Longo and Marxist criticism in Alexandria, on 22-24 October 2015..

A return, almost a fashion, Marx was widely spoken after the start of the Great Depression opened in 2008 by the bankruptcy of the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy and the risk of other very large US banks – then saved with public money, reflecting a mechanism , said conventionally liberal, specializing in privatize profits and socialize losses. Printing and dissemination of the texts of Marx multiplied worldwide, manifested new movements inspired directly or indirectly to a critique of the financial capital, found vast echo research Piketty, non-Marxist, the capital in the XXI century and its concentration in the same way and in the same hands as ever, a topic of interest Marxian.

More recently, the confirmation of a return was made ​​from an unusual source but sensitive to the spirit of the times as the world of the visual arts, with a dedication to Marx of the Venice Biennale this year, including a public reading and systematic Text of the Capital . The greater part of our ineffable daily press has treated the subject almost as a kind of strangeness of the Nigerian curator, who – Okwi Enwezor – is, in fact, one of the most important American intellectuals of matter, distinguished university professor and creator of the most great art exhibitions in the world. The text of his presentation of the biennial, inspired by the reading of Walter Benjamin’s Angelus Novus of Klee, realizes with painstaking meticulousness of the origin and meaning of the reference to Marx: “Capital – writes – is the great tragedy of our time . Today looms more than any other element in every sphere of life … ‘, determining whether “the state of affairs” is the way to watch them.

The Capital of Marx since its release – he adds – has involved not only politicians, economists, philosophers, but artists and the exhibition in Venice, then promises to perceive – says – “the aura, the effects, the consequences and spectra of the capital. ” That the program is successful or not is and will be, of course, the subject of discussion, but it is well proven the validity of a return to those who first put under scrutiny, in fact, the foundation of the contemporary world and it has envisioned the consequences.

After 89

The last burial officer, who seemed the final one, was filed at the end of the Soviet Union. Many funeral orations were spoken by publicists and thinkers of various kinds. Among the political parties of the traditional left of ancient origin terzinternazionalista, but also in the socialist parties, and among many of the intellectuals who were, or were supposed to close them there was a race to deny any relationship with Marx.In Italy, as you know, it takes place the transformation of the Communist Party, party planning but inspired by Marxian reworking of Gramsci. In the German social rethinking of the program of Bad Godesberg – namely the total repudiation of Marxism – begun in the years of Brandt, and continued by Oskar Lafontaine, will close with the “new center” of Schroeder. England Blair will do away with the article of the statute it provides that aims to overcome the capitalist property.

Here, nell’aneddotica of that hasty transformation is also a place for our magazine Marxist Critique , redeemed at the price of a penny, and so saved dall’autodafé collective, and made ​​reborn to a new life. The task that we inscribed in the head, and that has a time even in today’s conference, was to “rethink the left” – the theme, as seen in each other daily, never exhausted.

Then it seemed to some of us, in addition to other considerations, supremely unfair that he considered himself the old Marx as head even last of the tragic fates of the Soviet system came to collapse or errors that the Italian Communists could have done.

An injustice because there had been among the staunchest critics of the Soviet model so many excellent scholars of Marx (including several Italian), all Marxists persecuted by Stalinism, as well as politicians who claimed to be inspired by him (including, albeit belatedly, the top leaders of the Communist Party). But also a mistake because we felt that his thought – and the attempt to use it critically as already suggested the name of the magazine – was essential precisely in order to a radical renewal of ideas and political practices of the left.A renewal is essential, but to qualify for both the change in the global economic and political reality with the global victory of the capitalist model and for the transformations in production systems, in lives and in human relations induced by scientific discoveries and the technological revolution of the century .

In the twentieth century

The story of unwise burials and recurring return alive Marx would, I believe, a search distinct from those on many Marxists, whose history began even during the lifetime of Marx, and the subject of a vast bibliography, is largely summarized by us, at least until the beginning of the eighties of the last century, a collective work conceived and edited by Einaudi Hobsbawm and others. The study of death certificates of Marx’s thought, that accompany the moments of greatest success of the various experiences economic, social and political the capital structure, there would seem to me less important than that of his subsequent resurrection to major crises or disasters of wars.

If at the beginning, at the time of the triumphant bourgeoisie and colonialism ruling, the slating of the economic and social development of Marx, moved by optimism scientist and industrialist, they belonged to a theoretical discussion on the law of value, sull’impoverimento absolute, on ‘outcome of the cyclical crises, after the October Revolution the removal or convictions Marxian analysis were associated largely aversion to the Soviet state nascent. But as well as the outbreak of World War I had done justice to at least some of the more reckless criticisms – like those that assumed a relative ease in overcoming cyclical downturns without contemplating the risk of recourse to war – and had created the revolutionary struggles of the post-war period, the same way the crisis of ’29 brought with it a revival of the analysis Marx and a thorough critique to economic liberalism.

Then, as you know, the ruling classes and the imperial ruling classes were faced with the crisis with the analysis of Keynes and Roosevelt’s reforms in the capital market, while in continental Europe most of the national bourgeoisies were promoting Nazism and fascism and while worldwide Soviet forced collectivization campaign and the repression of dissenting generated the terrible tragedies that you know. He came here to a new time of anti-Marxism combined with the anti-Soviet, with the appreciation of the successes in the West in the internal policies of the Nazis and fascists – and the abandonment of the Spanish republic to Franco – until the new and frightening world war the international anti-fascist alliance again tipped the scale of values ​​and pushed to new interest in Marx a part of the intelligentsia and the new generations matured during the conflict and the resistance.

It was still, however, an interest in which the image of Marx mingled with that of the country of the Battle of Stalingrad and the red flag on the Reichstadt, the country in which, albeit with terrible tragedies, for the first time it had come experimenting the abolition of private ownership of the means of production and exchange.A mixture that was underpinned by new revolutions in the giant China and Cuba in the small. Even the great youth rebellion of ’68 dall’antiautoritarismo move, having the background Vietnam Ho Min did not give us to draw on past revolutions, albeit sometimes, but not always, watching the dissenters persecuted more than the winners.

Equally and not, for as long as the Cold War the anti-Marxist polemic flourished and developed having the background the same image overlay: there was talk of Marx, but it was thought – or were referred – Stalin, Mao, Castro .

The success of the idea promoted by Isaiah Berlin purely negative freedom (ie as total rejection of any interference from the public other than safety of life and property) has the background, in fact, the unacceptability of a model of absolute statism and denial of freedom, as well as the idea, propagated by Thatcher, that the company is purely abstract notion as the only concrete thing are the individuals it targets the very notion of the welfare state, seen almost as an antechamber to the Soviet model of collectivism.

In fact, that overlap, although almost fatal, was essentially arbitrary. In the days of November 1917 a young Italian socialist of great talent, which will be one of the founders of the Communist Party, had written and realized that the October Revolution – which he like millions of people around the world appeared enthusiastic – it was, in Actually, its a revolution against the Capital of Karl Marx. Gramsci differed, in that well-known article on ‘ Avanti , a Marx “tainted by positivism and naturalism” by Marx heir, as he says, “the idealistic thought Italian and German. ‘ The first would be the author of the idea that comes before the capitalist bourgeoisie, its maturity and its crisis, and only at the end of the socialist transformation – and against this Marx, in fact, occurred the October Revolution. In contrast, according to the Marx ‘that never dies, “he taught, according to the young Gramsci, that” the greatest factor of history “is not given the” economic facts brutes “but the relations between human beings,” the society of men “who” develop a collective will, “which” shapes the objective reality that lives, moves, acquires the character of matter telluric boiling, which can be channeled where the will like “2. The times are not required, therefore, and the maturation of consciousness and revolutionary will of the exploited, very long in normal times, could have acceleration due to special reasons – in this case the World War. Unfortunately, the absolute voluntarism that inspired that article born on the wave of emotion and one that did not belong to the old Marx, was not enough and in fact, as we shall see, he could turn against itself.

And, in fact, Gramsci, then, long worked in the notebooks of the jail on that famous passage of the Preface to the Critique of Political Economy of ’59 – omitted in a text written for the party school of 1925, as recalled Fabio Frosini3 – in Marx speaks of the conditions for which you run out of old social formations and the new born, a song that he translates: “No social order ever perishes before they have developed all the productive forces for which it is still not enough, and new, higher relations of production have not taken place before the material conditions of existence of the latter have been hatched in the womb of the old society. Therefore mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve; (If you observe more accurately, you will always find that the task itself arises only where the material conditions for its resolution exist or at least are in the process of their becoming) “4. Gramsci interpret this passage from stripping can read deterministic, but he tried his acuity of thought seeing the substance that is a criticism of the fantasies that, at the same time, defines the actual terrain of the political struggle and ideal, and does not eliminate the role of subjectivity policies. Marx had so little to do with the Soviet model that the Vulgate became known as “Marxism-Leninism” which was added, then, the suffix “Stalinism”, in order to establish a sort of canon immutable. Which, as should be obvious, it was not only distant but opposed to every form of critical thinking – in which Marx also is recognized as a major.

However that mixture and culturally undue overlap was practically inevitable given the origin of the promoters of the ideal of a socialist revolution, and this explains the presumption dell’affossamento definitive Marx following the collapse of the Soviet Union, its dismemberment, the transformation of Russia into a country of capitalism more or less wild. The launch of China in a similar direction, despite the red flag, completed the work. He even spoke of the end of history, in the sense that the winning model would have no alternative. It was a form of self-deception of the winners. The basic reasons that had driven the search for Marx had failed, despite the technological abyss separating us from him. For this is the new return, but if you do not remember the previous one can not understand the difference.

Well dug, old mole!

Today, there is no illusion that somewhere on earth was found the formula of the new world, or that no longer considered inevitable march towards socialism is already embodied in a social formation. Capitalism has shown its ability to huge quantitative development and adaptation, as Marx had predicted, and founded on the desire (ie the individual) and choice (ie free will).

Social ownership of the means of production and exchange, the time and place in which it was attempted, became state property and property in this bureaucratic, and bureaucrats into capitalists robbery. If someone levasse, the call for unity of the proletariat, already rejected in the trenches of World War I, would sound foreign to the reality of a world in which, despite a number of workers than ever, the work must continue to decrease, competition downward it is already deadly fragmentation multiplies misery overflows and generates plenty of recruits for promoters of wars. That is, in short, that this time the return to Marx does not presume to be based on data acquired or easy hopes, and can not have the quality of mature disenchantment.

Born, also, this return by the rapid depletion of the promises implied in the birth of a world unified under the sign of financial capital.

The Cold War ended with the victory of one of the contenders did not open the way to permanent peace and a linear progress. Instead, it returned to the confrontation between the powers and the multiplicity of wars appears to be a world war creeping, potentially explosive. The supposed self-regulating capacity of the market has failed. The idea of ​​infinite development has come up against the physical limits of the planet and threatens the very conditions of life. They do not change, and in many cases increase, the gap between rich and poor and, in each country, between the very rich and the great mass of others. Traveling between the stars but too many people continue to die of hunger, and it seems to be disproportionate welcome those who run away from war and poverty. The pontiff of the Catholic Church had to explain that when he speaks in defense of the poor and against the immoderate gains it does because it is communist but because it is inspired by the Gospel. He had to reinterpret Scripture to explain that the man was not donated the land and the animals that live there to ruin the one and torturing others at will but to protect them.

One would think, with the greatest respect, ‘Well dug, old mole “. In truth, Hamlet says, “Well said, old mole” to the spectrum of the father at the time warned the ground: it was, of course, the voice of the past buried and ignored who returns to tell what he knows, and go in peace. As for Marx, who in the 18th Brumaire he quoted from memory, the mole digging well, as you know, is the image of the revolution which operates under the radar. For us, perhaps, the word spectrum underground is just to Marx now freed from the burden of something that did not belong and also helps those who are distant or hostile. A voice, too, heard so much better after the work of interpretation. For us, but not only for us, it should first reading that did Gramsci who taught to understand, among other things, the mutual influence between the base material, economic, society and all the phenomena called superstructure in lexicon of tradition.

And they have also helped all the jobs that have enabled it to overcome the anachronisms and place it in its time and in its culture, highlighting, for example, the difficulty of this individual to look not only socially determined or the failure to understand the influence patriarchal order in the determination of the male as unacceptable absolute value. A thought does not stay indefinitely because this is no time, but because, in the narrow limits of time, culture and life of its author, opens a new window to look at reality. Now no one, more innocent, drink the hemlock to comply with the law of the city, rather than the more guilty the more frolic. But no one can dispute that the poor Socrates is one of the first inventors of ethics, including the public.

And so it is for Marx. Considering it a kind of Bible, you use it, of course, against himself, perhaps unlikely to endorse or pernicious doctrines of others, as indeed happened (and happens). Seen within its limits and its shortcomings studied for many years, including in this meeting will be discussed, he returns the actuality of who, in fact, found in the capital and along the explosive force, as has been said, the drama of our time, and he teaches about the building of human reality from the ground, trying to see it for what it is and not for what we imagine it to be.

Upload ethics

Can return, so, the author moved by a powerful but misunderstood ethics office that breaks the hypocrisy of the beautiful souls smug virtue of their real or alleged but unable to look at the origins of the evils to deprecate words. The school of thought of Kantian origin who emphasized, at the beginning of the past century, this side of Marx was submerged by those who believed the author of an exact science, then returned to the subject constantly. Its scientific analysis, like every other, is conditioned by the level of knowledge at that time and therefore can be reached continuously partly denial partly correct, but, being the object to which it refers to the social relations – and thus ultimately between people – he would never even born had it not been moved by indignation and a passion. The outrage over the fate of the last and penultimate manufacturers of objects indispensable to life and a good life, a passion for the freedom of each and all. Relations between Marx and Spinoza, a scholar of the passions, now fill a library. The work changes, changes the system of education or employment of consciences, the dominated may ignore or even to be so happy to be so, but without that anger and that passion genuinely experienced, you can not do political action, let alone one called left.

Can return, today, the author who studied this thinking of the future, perhaps in the belief, as certain look, a certain history in the mouth, but said he did not want to do and never did the pastry chef of the future, the ‘ author of an open-ended but not so much because it thus: and so Marx said he was not a Marxist, knowing that their critical method would also cover his work. This is not groped do not know which new orthodoxy, but to read it without distorting lenses to be helped to understand the origin of this distressing problem. And also to be led to a deeper self-criticism.

This world is in danger and forged dominated by capital everywhere and winning first flowering of civilization in places that can not be said to be inspired by Christianity, not only that but also the other Protestant majority here, although raised in the little loyalty or ignorance of the Gospel, as we are now told authoritatively. This is Western civilization today questioned. And the onslaught of fundamentalism losers can not be answered, otherwise the catastrophe, with the fundamentalism of winning. This world is super armed is now closing grimly, as last tried even Switzerland, instead of looking at himself and seek to correct their distortions considering them because of those of others. The tendency to use inordinate force becomes greater, with the attendant risks.

It should react to what is called the left. But having thrown away Marx did not help and, in fact, has been a powerful incentive to slip into the arms of neoliberalism successful and unsuccessful, so the distinction between left and right has become increasingly blurred. It is obvious that not just Marx, but without continuing a rigorous analysis, as was his, the economic and social model in which we live will continue to miss the contribution that the left could give to solve the growing problems of the present. I think that, with open eyes, Marx may be more useful than ever to stimulate research and, also, political action.

2) A. Gramsci, The revolution against the “Capital”, in Id., The future city from 1917 to 1918 , edited by S. Caprioglio, Turin, Einaudi, 1982, p. 514.

3) See. F. Frosini, Preface of ’59 , in G. Liguori, Voza P. (eds), Dictionary Gramscian 1926-1937, Rome, Carocci, 2009, p. 661.

4) A. Gramsci, Appendix. Excerpts from the Notebooks of translation, in Id., Prison Notebooks , edited by V. Gerratana, Rome, Einaudi, 1975, p. 2359.

Share this:

  • Tweet
  • More

Like this:

Like Loading...

The returns of Marx

30 Monday Nov 2015

Posted by raomk in History, Left politics

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

Communists, Marx, MARXIST

Aldo Tortorella

The new issue of the magazine  CRITICAL MARXIST  publish the introduction to the conference returns to Marx, organized by Fondazione Luigi Longo and Marxist Criticism  in Alexandria, from 22-24 October 2015.

A return, almost a fashion, Marx was widely spoken after the start of the Great Depression opened in 2008 by the bankruptcy of the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy and the risk of other very large US banks – then saved with public money, reflecting a mechanism , said conventionally liberal, specializing in privatize profits and socialize losses. Printing and dissemination of the texts of Marx multiplied worldwide, manifested new movements inspired directly or indirectly to a critique of the financial capital, found vast echo research Piketty, non-Marxist, the capital in the XXI century and its concentration in the same way and in the same hands as ever, a topic of interest Marxian.

More recently, the confirmation of a return was made ​​from an unusual source but sensitive to the spirit of the times as the world of the visual arts, with a dedication to Marx of the Venice Biennale this year, including a public reading and systematic Text of the Capital . The greater part of our ineffable daily press has treated the subject almost as a kind of strangeness of the Nigerian curator, who – Okwi Enwezor – is, in fact, one of the most important American intellectuals of matter, distinguished university professor and creator of the most great art exhibitions in the world. The text of his presentation of the biennial, inspired by the reading of Walter Benjamin’s Angelus Novus of Klee, realizes with painstaking meticulousness of the origin and meaning of the reference to Marx: “Capital – writes – is the great tragedy of our time . Today looms more than any other element in every sphere of life … ‘, determining whether “the state of affairs” is the way to watch them.

The Capital of Marx since its release – he adds – has involved not only politicians, economists, philosophers, but artists and the exhibition in Venice, then promises to perceive – says – “the aura, the effects, the consequences and spectra of the capital. ” That the program is successful or not is and will be, of course, the subject of discussion, but it is well proven the validity of a return to those who first put under scrutiny, in fact, the foundation of the contemporary world and it has envisioned the consequences.

After 89

The last burial officer, who seemed the final one, was filed at the end of the Soviet Union. Many funeral orations were spoken by publicists and thinkers of various kinds. Among the political parties of the traditional left of ancient origin terzinternazionalista, but also in the socialist parties, and among many of the intellectuals who were, or were supposed to close them there was a race to deny any relationship with Marx.In Italy, as you know, it takes place the transformation of the Communist Party, party planning but inspired by Marxian reworking of Gramsci. In the German social rethinking of the program of Bad Godesberg – namely the total repudiation of Marxism – begun in the years of Brandt, and continued by Oskar Lafontaine, will close with the “new center” of Schroeder. England Blair will do away with the article of the statute it provides that aims to overcome the capitalist property.

Here, nell’aneddotica of that hasty transformation is also a place for our magazine Marxist Critique , redeemed at the price of a penny, and so saved dall’autodafé collective, and made ​​reborn to a new life. The task that we inscribed in the head, and that has a time even in today’s conference, was to “rethink the left” – the theme, as seen in each other daily, never exhausted.

Then it seemed to some of us, in addition to other considerations, supremely unfair that he considered himself the old Marx as head even last of the tragic fates of the Soviet system came to collapse or errors that the Italian Communists could have done.

An injustice because there had been among the staunchest critics of the Soviet model so many excellent scholars of Marx (including several Italian), all Marxists persecuted by Stalinism, as well as politicians who claimed to be inspired by him (including, albeit belatedly, the top leaders of the Communist Party). But also a mistake because we felt that his thought – and the attempt to use it critically as already suggested the name of the magazine – was essential precisely in order to a radical renewal of ideas and political practices of the left.A renewal is essential, but to qualify for both the change in the global economic and political reality with the global victory of the capitalist model and for the transformations in production systems, in lives and in human relations induced by scientific discoveries and the technological revolution of the century .

In the twentieth century

The story of unwise burials and recurring return alive Marx would, I believe, a search distinct from those on many Marxists, whose history began even during the lifetime of Marx, and the subject of a vast bibliography, is largely summarized by us, at least until the beginning of the eighties of the last century, a collective work conceived and edited by Einaudi Hobsbawm and others. The study of death certificates of Marx’s thought, that accompany the moments of greatest success of the various experiences economic, social and political the capital structure, there would seem to me less important than that of his subsequent resurrection to major crises or disasters of wars.

If at the beginning, at the time of the triumphant bourgeoisie and colonialism ruling, the slating of the economic and social development of Marx, moved by optimism scientist and industrialist, they belonged to a theoretical discussion on the law of value, sull’impoverimento absolute, on ‘outcome of the cyclical crises, after the October Revolution the removal or convictions Marxian analysis were associated largely aversion to the Soviet state nascent. But as well as the outbreak of World War I had done justice to at least some of the more reckless criticisms – like those that assumed a relative ease in overcoming cyclical downturns without contemplating the risk of recourse to war – and had created the revolutionary struggles of the post-war period, the same way the crisis of ’29 brought with it a revival of the analysis Marx and a thorough critique to economic liberalism.

Then, as you know, the ruling classes and the imperial ruling classes were faced with the crisis with the analysis of Keynes and Roosevelt’s reforms in the capital market, while in continental Europe most of the national bourgeoisies were promoting Nazism and fascism and while worldwide Soviet forced collectivization campaign and the repression of dissenting generated the terrible tragedies that you know. He came here to a new time of anti-Marxism combined with the anti-Soviet, with the appreciation of the successes in the West in the internal policies of the Nazis and fascists – and the abandonment of the Spanish republic to Franco – until the new and frightening world war the international anti-fascist alliance again tipped the scale of values ​​and pushed to new interest in Marx a part of the intelligentsia and the new generations matured during the conflict and the resistance.

It was still, however, an interest in which the image of Marx mingled with that of the country of the Battle of Stalingrad and the red flag on the Reichstadt, the country in which, albeit with terrible tragedies, for the first time it had come experimenting the abolition of private ownership of the means of production and exchange.A mixture that was underpinned by new revolutions in the giant China and Cuba in the small. Even the great youth rebellion of ’68 dall’antiautoritarismo move, having the background Vietnam Ho Min did not give us to draw on past revolutions, albeit sometimes, but not always, watching the dissenters persecuted more than the winners.

Equally and not, for as long as the Cold War the anti-Marxist polemic flourished and developed having the background the same image overlay: there was talk of Marx, but it was thought – or were referred – Stalin, Mao, Castro .

The success of the idea promoted by Isaiah Berlin purely negative freedom (ie as total rejection of any interference from the public other than safety of life and property) has the background, in fact, the unacceptability of a model of absolute statism and denial of freedom, as well as the idea, propagated by Thatcher, that the company is purely abstract notion as the only concrete thing are the individuals it targets the very notion of the welfare state, seen almost as an antechamber to the Soviet model of collectivism.

In fact, that overlap, although almost fatal, was essentially arbitrary. In the days of November 1917 a young Italian socialist of great talent, which will be one of the founders of the Communist Party, had written and realized that the October Revolution – which he like millions of people around the world appeared enthusiastic – it was, in Actually, its a revolution against the Capital of Karl Marx. Gramsci differed, in that well-known article on ‘ Avanti , a Marx “tainted by positivism and naturalism” by Marx heir, as he says, “the idealistic thought Italian and German. ‘ The first would be the author of the idea that comes before the capitalist bourgeoisie, its maturity and its crisis, and only at the end of the socialist transformation – and against this Marx, in fact, occurred the October Revolution. In contrast, according to the Marx ‘that never dies, “he taught, according to the young Gramsci, that” the greatest factor of history “is not given the” economic facts brutes “but the relations between human beings,” the society of men “who” develop a collective will, “which” shapes the objective reality that lives, moves, acquires the character of matter telluric boiling, which can be channeled where the will like “2. The times are not required, therefore, and the maturation of consciousness and revolutionary will of the exploited, very long in normal times, could have acceleration due to special reasons – in this case the World War. Unfortunately, the absolute voluntarism that inspired that article born on the wave of emotion and one that did not belong to the old Marx, was not enough and in fact, as we shall see, he could turn against itself.

And, in fact, Gramsci, then, long worked in the notebooks of the jail on that famous passage of the Preface to the Critique of Political Economy of ’59 – omitted in a text written for the party school of 1925, as recalled Fabio Frosini3 – in Marx speaks of the conditions for which you run out of old social formations and the new born, a song that he translates: “No social order ever perishes before they have developed all the productive forces for which it is still not enough, and new, higher relations of production have not taken place before the material conditions of existence of the latter have been hatched in the womb of the old society. Therefore mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve; (If you observe more accurately, you will always find that the task itself arises only where the material conditions for its resolution exist or at least are in the process of their becoming) “4. Gramsci interpret this passage from stripping can read deterministic, but he tried his acuity of thought seeing the substance that is a criticism of the fantasies that, at the same time, defines the actual terrain of the political struggle and ideal, and does not eliminate the role of subjectivity policies. Marx had so little to do with the Soviet model that the Vulgate became known as “Marxism-Leninism” which was added, then, the suffix “Stalinism”, in order to establish a sort of canon immutable. Which, as should be obvious, it was not only distant but opposed to every form of critical thinking – in which Marx also is recognized as a major.

However that mixture and culturally undue overlap was practically inevitable given the origin of the promoters of the ideal of a socialist revolution, and this explains the presumption dell’affossamento definitive Marx following the collapse of the Soviet Union, its dismemberment, the transformation of Russia into a country of capitalism more or less wild. The launch of China in a similar direction, despite the red flag, completed the work. He even spoke of the end of history, in the sense that the winning model would have no alternative. It was a form of self-deception of the winners. The basic reasons that had driven the search for Marx had failed, despite the technological abyss separating us from him. For this is the new return, but if you do not remember the previous one can not understand the difference.

Well dug, old mole!

Today, there is no illusion that somewhere on earth was found the formula of the new world, or that no longer considered inevitable march towards socialism is already embodied in a social formation. Capitalism has shown its ability to huge quantitative development and adaptation, as Marx had predicted, and founded on the desire (ie the individual) and choice (ie free will).

Social ownership of the means of production and exchange, the time and place in which it was attempted, became state property and property in this bureaucratic, and bureaucrats into capitalists robbery. If someone levasse, the call for unity of the proletariat, already rejected in the trenches of World War I, would sound foreign to the reality of a world in which, despite a number of workers than ever, the work must continue to decrease, competition downward it is already deadly fragmentation multiplies misery overflows and generates plenty of recruits for promoters of wars. That is, in short, that this time the return to Marx does not presume to be based on data acquired or easy hopes, and can not have the quality of mature disenchantment.

Born, also, this return by the rapid depletion of the promises implied in the birth of a world unified under the sign of financial capital.

The Cold War ended with the victory of one of the contenders did not open the way to permanent peace and a linear progress. Instead, it returned to the confrontation between the powers and the multiplicity of wars appears to be a world war creeping, potentially explosive. The supposed self-regulating capacity of the market has failed. The idea of ​​infinite development has come up against the physical limits of the planet and threatens the very conditions of life. They do not change, and in many cases increase, the gap between rich and poor and, in each country, between the very rich and the great mass of others. Traveling between the stars but too many people continue to die of hunger, and it seems to be disproportionate welcome those who run away from war and poverty. The pontiff of the Catholic Church had to explain that when he speaks in defense of the poor and against the immoderate gains it does because it is communist but because it is inspired by the Gospel. He had to reinterpret Scripture to explain that the man was not donated the land and the animals that live there to ruin the one and torturing others at will but to protect them.

One would think, with the greatest respect, ‘Well dug, old mole “. In truth, Hamlet says, “Well said, old mole” to the spectrum of the father at the time warned the ground: it was, of course, the voice of the past buried and ignored who returns to tell what he knows, and go in peace. As for Marx, who in the 18th Brumaire he quoted from memory, the mole digging well, as you know, is the image of the revolution which operates under the radar. For us, perhaps, the word spectrum underground is just to Marx now freed from the burden of something that did not belong and also helps those who are distant or hostile. A voice, too, heard so much better after the work of interpretation. For us, but not only for us, it should first reading that did Gramsci who taught to understand, among other things, the mutual influence between the base material, economic, society and all the phenomena called superstructure in lexicon of tradition.

And they have also helped all the jobs that have enabled it to overcome the anachronisms and place it in its time and in its culture, highlighting, for example, the difficulty of this individual to look not only socially determined or the failure to understand the influence patriarchal order in the determination of the male as unacceptable absolute value. A thought does not stay indefinitely because this is no time, but because, in the narrow limits of time, culture and life of its author, opens a new window to look at reality. Now no one, more innocent, drink the hemlock to comply with the law of the city, rather than the more guilty the more frolic. But no one can dispute that the poor Socrates is one of the first inventors of ethics, including the public.

And so it is for Marx. Considering it a kind of Bible, you use it, of course, against himself, perhaps unlikely to endorse or pernicious doctrines of others, as indeed happened (and happens). Seen within its limits and its shortcomings studied for many years, including in this meeting will be discussed, he returns the actuality of who, in fact, found in the capital and along the explosive force, as has been said, the drama of our time, and he teaches about the building of human reality from the ground, trying to see it for what it is and not for what we imagine it to be.

Upload ethics

Can return, so, the author moved by a powerful but misunderstood ethics office that breaks the hypocrisy of the beautiful souls smug virtue of their real or alleged but unable to look at the origins of the evils to deprecate words. The school of thought of Kantian origin who emphasized, at the beginning of the past century, this side of Marx was submerged by those who believed the author of an exact science, then returned to the subject constantly. Its scientific analysis, like every other, is conditioned by the level of knowledge at that time and therefore can be reached continuously partly denial partly correct, but, being the object to which it refers to the social relations – and thus ultimately between people – he would never even born had it not been moved by indignation and a passion. The outrage over the fate of the last and penultimate manufacturers of objects indispensable to life and a good life, a passion for the freedom of each and all. Relations between Marx and Spinoza, a scholar of the passions, now fill a library. The work changes, changes the system of education or employment of consciences, the dominated may ignore or even to be so happy to be so, but without that anger and that passion genuinely experienced, you can not do political action, let alone one called left.

Can return, today, the author who studied this thinking of the future, perhaps in the belief, as certain look, a certain history in the mouth, but said he did not want to do and never did the pastry chef of the future, the ‘ author of an open-ended but not so much because it thus: and so Marx said he was not a Marxist, knowing that their critical method would also cover his work. This is not groped do not know which new orthodoxy, but to read it without distorting lenses to be helped to understand the origin of this distressing problem. And also to be led to a deeper self-criticism.

This world is in danger and forged dominated by capital everywhere and winning first flowering of civilization in places that can not be said to be inspired by Christianity, not only that but also the other Protestant majority here, although raised in the little loyalty or ignorance of the Gospel, as we are now told authoritatively. This is Western civilization today questioned. And the onslaught of fundamentalism losers can not be answered, otherwise the catastrophe, with the fundamentalism of winning. This world is super armed is now closing grimly, as last tried even Switzerland, instead of looking at himself and seek to correct their distortions considering them because of those of others. The tendency to use inordinate force becomes greater, with the attendant risks.

It should react to what is called the left. But having thrown away Marx did not help and, in fact, has been a powerful incentive to slip into the arms of neoliberalism successful and unsuccessful, so the distinction between left and right has become increasingly blurred. It is obvious that not just Marx, but without continuing a rigorous analysis, as was his, the economic and social model in which we live will continue to miss the contribution that the left could give to solve the growing problems of the present. I think that, with open eyes, Marx may be more useful than ever to stimulate research and, also, political action.

2) A. Gramsci, The revolution against the “Capital”, in Id., The future city from 1917 to 1918 , edited by S. Caprioglio, Turin, Einaudi, 1982, p. 514.

3) See. F. Frosini, Preface of ’59 , in G. Liguori, Voza P. (eds), Dictionary Gramscian 1926-1937, Rome, Carocci, 2009, p. 661.

4) A. Gramsci, Appendix. Excerpts from the Notebooks of translation, in Id., Prison Notebooks , edited by V. Gerratana, Rome, Einaudi, 1975, p. 2359.

Share this:

  • Tweet
  • More

Like this:

Like Loading...

Recent Posts

  • మనవాళ్లు వట్టి వెధవాయి లోయి అన్న గిరీశాన్ని గుర్తుకు తెస్తున్న వాట్సాప్‌ పండితులు !
  • బిజెపి మిత్రోం అదానీ, బికినీలను కాదు సామాన్య జనాన్ని చూడండి !
  • వైవిధ్య సమస్యలతో ప్రపంచ వ్యవసాయ రంగం !
  • రష్యా – జర్మనీలను శాశ్వత శత్రు దేశాలుగా మార్చే అమెరికా కుటిల పన్నాగం !
  • అక్రమం జరిగిందా లేదా విచారణకు ఆదేశిస్తారా లేదా : అదానీ కంపెనీలపై నోరు విప్పని ప్రధాని నరేంద్రమోడీ !

Recent Comments

raghuveer on తైవాన్‌కు మరిన్ని అమెరికా అస్త…
Raghuveer on గుజరాత్‌ ఘనత మోడీదైతే హిమచల్‌…
Raghuveer on అమెరికా సబ్సిడీలు – ఐరోప…
Raghuveer on అదానీ కోసం కేరళలో బిజెపితో సిప…
Hanumantha Reddy San… on ప్రపంచాధిపత్యం కోసం అమెరికా త‌…

Archives

  • February 2023
  • January 2023
  • December 2022
  • November 2022
  • October 2022
  • September 2022
  • August 2022
  • July 2022
  • June 2022
  • May 2022
  • April 2022
  • March 2022
  • February 2022
  • January 2022
  • December 2021
  • November 2021
  • October 2021
  • September 2021
  • August 2021
  • July 2021
  • June 2021
  • May 2021
  • April 2021
  • March 2021
  • February 2021
  • January 2021
  • December 2020
  • November 2020
  • October 2020
  • September 2020
  • August 2020
  • July 2020
  • June 2020
  • May 2020
  • April 2020
  • March 2020
  • February 2020
  • January 2020
  • December 2019
  • November 2019
  • October 2019
  • September 2019
  • August 2019
  • July 2019
  • June 2019
  • May 2019
  • April 2019
  • March 2019
  • February 2019
  • January 2019
  • December 2018
  • November 2018
  • October 2018
  • September 2018
  • August 2018
  • July 2018
  • June 2018
  • May 2018
  • April 2018
  • March 2018
  • February 2018
  • January 2018
  • December 2017
  • November 2017
  • October 2017
  • September 2017
  • August 2017
  • July 2017
  • June 2017
  • May 2017
  • April 2017
  • March 2017
  • February 2017
  • January 2017
  • December 2016
  • November 2016
  • October 2016
  • September 2016
  • August 2016
  • July 2016
  • June 2016
  • May 2016
  • April 2016
  • March 2016
  • February 2016
  • January 2016
  • December 2015
  • November 2015
  • October 2015

Categories

  • AP
  • AP NEWS
  • BJP
  • CHINA
  • Communalism
  • Congress
  • COUNTRIES
  • CPI(M)
  • Current Affairs
  • Economics
  • Education
  • employees
  • Environment
  • Farmers
  • Filims
  • Germany
  • Greek
  • Gujarat
  • Health
  • History
  • imperialism
  • INDIA
  • International
  • INTERNATIONAL NEWS
  • Japan
  • Latin America
  • Left politics
  • Literature.
  • Loksabha Elections
  • NATIONAL NEWS
  • Opinion
  • Others
  • Pensioners
  • Political Parties
  • Politics
  • Prices
  • Readers News Service
  • RELIGION
  • Religious Intolarence
  • RUSSIA
  • Science
  • Social Inclusion
  • Sports
  • STATES NEWS
  • Telangana
  • Telugu
  • UK
  • Uncategorized
  • USA
  • WAR
  • Women
  • Women

Meta

  • Register
  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.com

Recent Posts

  • మనవాళ్లు వట్టి వెధవాయి లోయి అన్న గిరీశాన్ని గుర్తుకు తెస్తున్న వాట్సాప్‌ పండితులు !
  • బిజెపి మిత్రోం అదానీ, బికినీలను కాదు సామాన్య జనాన్ని చూడండి !
  • వైవిధ్య సమస్యలతో ప్రపంచ వ్యవసాయ రంగం !
  • రష్యా – జర్మనీలను శాశ్వత శత్రు దేశాలుగా మార్చే అమెరికా కుటిల పన్నాగం !
  • అక్రమం జరిగిందా లేదా విచారణకు ఆదేశిస్తారా లేదా : అదానీ కంపెనీలపై నోరు విప్పని ప్రధాని నరేంద్రమోడీ !

Recent Comments

raghuveer on తైవాన్‌కు మరిన్ని అమెరికా అస్త…
Raghuveer on గుజరాత్‌ ఘనత మోడీదైతే హిమచల్‌…
Raghuveer on అమెరికా సబ్సిడీలు – ఐరోప…
Raghuveer on అదానీ కోసం కేరళలో బిజెపితో సిప…
Hanumantha Reddy San… on ప్రపంచాధిపత్యం కోసం అమెరికా త‌…

Archives

  • February 2023
  • January 2023
  • December 2022
  • November 2022
  • October 2022
  • September 2022
  • August 2022
  • July 2022
  • June 2022
  • May 2022
  • April 2022
  • March 2022
  • February 2022
  • January 2022
  • December 2021
  • November 2021
  • October 2021
  • September 2021
  • August 2021
  • July 2021
  • June 2021
  • May 2021
  • April 2021
  • March 2021
  • February 2021
  • January 2021
  • December 2020
  • November 2020
  • October 2020
  • September 2020
  • August 2020
  • July 2020
  • June 2020
  • May 2020
  • April 2020
  • March 2020
  • February 2020
  • January 2020
  • December 2019
  • November 2019
  • October 2019
  • September 2019
  • August 2019
  • July 2019
  • June 2019
  • May 2019
  • April 2019
  • March 2019
  • February 2019
  • January 2019
  • December 2018
  • November 2018
  • October 2018
  • September 2018
  • August 2018
  • July 2018
  • June 2018
  • May 2018
  • April 2018
  • March 2018
  • February 2018
  • January 2018
  • December 2017
  • November 2017
  • October 2017
  • September 2017
  • August 2017
  • July 2017
  • June 2017
  • May 2017
  • April 2017
  • March 2017
  • February 2017
  • January 2017
  • December 2016
  • November 2016
  • October 2016
  • September 2016
  • August 2016
  • July 2016
  • June 2016
  • May 2016
  • April 2016
  • March 2016
  • February 2016
  • January 2016
  • December 2015
  • November 2015
  • October 2015

Categories

  • AP
  • AP NEWS
  • BJP
  • CHINA
  • Communalism
  • Congress
  • COUNTRIES
  • CPI(M)
  • Current Affairs
  • Economics
  • Education
  • employees
  • Environment
  • Farmers
  • Filims
  • Germany
  • Greek
  • Gujarat
  • Health
  • History
  • imperialism
  • INDIA
  • International
  • INTERNATIONAL NEWS
  • Japan
  • Latin America
  • Left politics
  • Literature.
  • Loksabha Elections
  • NATIONAL NEWS
  • Opinion
  • Others
  • Pensioners
  • Political Parties
  • Politics
  • Prices
  • Readers News Service
  • RELIGION
  • Religious Intolarence
  • RUSSIA
  • Science
  • Social Inclusion
  • Sports
  • STATES NEWS
  • Telangana
  • Telugu
  • UK
  • Uncategorized
  • USA
  • WAR
  • Women
  • Women

Meta

  • Register
  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.com

Social

  • View mannem.koteswararao’s profile on Facebook
  • View mannemkoteswara’s profile on Twitter

Recent Posts

  • మనవాళ్లు వట్టి వెధవాయి లోయి అన్న గిరీశాన్ని గుర్తుకు తెస్తున్న వాట్సాప్‌ పండితులు !
  • బిజెపి మిత్రోం అదానీ, బికినీలను కాదు సామాన్య జనాన్ని చూడండి !
  • వైవిధ్య సమస్యలతో ప్రపంచ వ్యవసాయ రంగం !
  • రష్యా – జర్మనీలను శాశ్వత శత్రు దేశాలుగా మార్చే అమెరికా కుటిల పన్నాగం !
  • అక్రమం జరిగిందా లేదా విచారణకు ఆదేశిస్తారా లేదా : అదానీ కంపెనీలపై నోరు విప్పని ప్రధాని నరేంద్రమోడీ !

Recent Comments

raghuveer on తైవాన్‌కు మరిన్ని అమెరికా అస్త…
Raghuveer on గుజరాత్‌ ఘనత మోడీదైతే హిమచల్‌…
Raghuveer on అమెరికా సబ్సిడీలు – ఐరోప…
Raghuveer on అదానీ కోసం కేరళలో బిజెపితో సిప…
Hanumantha Reddy San… on ప్రపంచాధిపత్యం కోసం అమెరికా త‌…

Archives

  • February 2023
  • January 2023
  • December 2022
  • November 2022
  • October 2022
  • September 2022
  • August 2022
  • July 2022
  • June 2022
  • May 2022
  • April 2022
  • March 2022
  • February 2022
  • January 2022
  • December 2021
  • November 2021
  • October 2021
  • September 2021
  • August 2021
  • July 2021
  • June 2021
  • May 2021
  • April 2021
  • March 2021
  • February 2021
  • January 2021
  • December 2020
  • November 2020
  • October 2020
  • September 2020
  • August 2020
  • July 2020
  • June 2020
  • May 2020
  • April 2020
  • March 2020
  • February 2020
  • January 2020
  • December 2019
  • November 2019
  • October 2019
  • September 2019
  • August 2019
  • July 2019
  • June 2019
  • May 2019
  • April 2019
  • March 2019
  • February 2019
  • January 2019
  • December 2018
  • November 2018
  • October 2018
  • September 2018
  • August 2018
  • July 2018
  • June 2018
  • May 2018
  • April 2018
  • March 2018
  • February 2018
  • January 2018
  • December 2017
  • November 2017
  • October 2017
  • September 2017
  • August 2017
  • July 2017
  • June 2017
  • May 2017
  • April 2017
  • March 2017
  • February 2017
  • January 2017
  • December 2016
  • November 2016
  • October 2016
  • September 2016
  • August 2016
  • July 2016
  • June 2016
  • May 2016
  • April 2016
  • March 2016
  • February 2016
  • January 2016
  • December 2015
  • November 2015
  • October 2015

Categories

  • AP
  • AP NEWS
  • BJP
  • CHINA
  • Communalism
  • Congress
  • COUNTRIES
  • CPI(M)
  • Current Affairs
  • Economics
  • Education
  • employees
  • Environment
  • Farmers
  • Filims
  • Germany
  • Greek
  • Gujarat
  • Health
  • History
  • imperialism
  • INDIA
  • International
  • INTERNATIONAL NEWS
  • Japan
  • Latin America
  • Left politics
  • Literature.
  • Loksabha Elections
  • NATIONAL NEWS
  • Opinion
  • Others
  • Pensioners
  • Political Parties
  • Politics
  • Prices
  • Readers News Service
  • RELIGION
  • Religious Intolarence
  • RUSSIA
  • Science
  • Social Inclusion
  • Sports
  • STATES NEWS
  • Telangana
  • Telugu
  • UK
  • Uncategorized
  • USA
  • WAR
  • Women
  • Women

Meta

  • Register
  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.com

Blog at WordPress.com.

Privacy & Cookies: This site uses cookies. By continuing to use this website, you agree to their use.
To find out more, including how to control cookies, see here: Cookie Policy
  • Follow Following
    • vedika
    • Join 234 other followers
    • Already have a WordPress.com account? Log in now.
    • vedika
    • Customize
    • Follow Following
    • Sign up
    • Log in
    • Report this content
    • View site in Reader
    • Manage subscriptions
    • Collapse this bar
%d bloggers like this: