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09 Thursday May 2019

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ఎం కోటేశ్వరరావు

కొన్ని సంఘటనలను, ప్రతిపక్ష నేతల వ్యాఖ్యలను వక్రీకరించటం ఆ పేరుతో తమ అజెండాను అమలు జరపటం సంఘపరివార్‌ నేతలకు వెన్నతో పెట్టిన విద్య. ఎన్నికల్లో దేవుళ్లు, దేవతల పేర్లను ప్రస్తావించి ఓట్లడగటం నిబంధనల వుల్లంఘన కిందికి వస్తుంది. కానీ ప్రధాని నరేంద్రమోడీ, అమిత్‌ షాలు, వారి అనుచర గణాలు ఈ ఎన్నికల్లో ఎన్ని సార్లు ఆ పేరుతో ప్రతిపక్షాలపై దాడి చేశాయో, రెచ్చగొట్టేవిధంగా మాట్లాడాయో చూస్తున్నాము. జై శ్రీరామ్‌ అని భారత్‌లో గాక పాకిస్ధాన్‌లో అంటామా అని అమిత్‌ షా, బెంగాల్లో జై శ్రీరామ్‌ అనటమే నేరమైంది, మా వాళ్లను జైల్లో పెడుతున్నారని నరేంద్రమోడీ నానా యాగీ చేస్తున్నారు. గత ఎన్నికల సమయంలో కాంగ్రెస్‌ నేత మణిశంకర్‌ అయ్యర్‌ చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యను ఆధారం చేసుకొని టీ అమ్మే వారు ప్రధాని కాకూడదా అంటూ తెగ ప్రచారం చేసిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. ఈ సారి అదేమిటో మోసగాండ్లలో చాలా మంది పేర్ల చివర మోడీ అనే వుంది అని రాహుల్‌ గాంధీ చేసిన విమర్శను పట్టుకొని నన్ను అంటే అనండిగానీ నా వెనుక బడిన మోడీ కులం మొత్తాన్ని దొంగలంటారా అని నరేంద్రమోడీ ఎన్నికల ప్రచారంలో కులాన్ని తీసుకువచ్చిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. ఇప్పుడు జై శ్రీరాం నినాదం చేస్తే జైల్లో పెడతారా అనే యాగీ కూడా బెంగాల్లో, ఇతర చోట్ల ఓట్ల వేటలో భాగమే. పశ్చిమ బెంగాల్‌ ముఖ్యమంత్రి మమతా బెనర్జీ ప్రచారానికి వెళుతుండగా భద్రతా ఏర్పాట్లను దాటి ముగ్గురు యువకులు ముందుకు వచ్చి మమతా బెనర్జీ కారు ముందు జై శ్రీరాం అంటూ నినాదాలు చేసి ఆమెను అడ్డుకోబోయారు. రెచ్చి పోయిన ఆమె వెంటనే కారు దిగి ఇప్పుడు రండి అంటూ కేకలు వేశారు. ఆ యువకులు పారిపోయారు. తరువాత పోలీసులు వారిని పట్టుకొని పోలీస్‌ స్టేషన్‌లో విచారించి వదలి వేశారని మీడియా వార్తలు వచ్చాయి. ఈ వుదంతాన్ని సాకుగా చేసుకొని రాముడిని వీధుల్లోకి తెచ్చి ఓటర్లను రెచ్చగొట్టేందుకు బిజెపి పెద్దలు పూనుకున్నారు. కేరళలో కూడా అయ్యప్ప స్వామి పేరుతో నినాదాలు చేస్తూ హింసాకాండకు పాల్పడిన వారి మీద కేసులు పెడితే భక్తులను అడ్డుకున్నారంటూ తప్పుడు ప్రచారం చేశారు. భక్తి ఒక ముసుగు, దేవుడి పేరు ఒక సాకు తప్ప ఇంకేమైనా వుందా ?

మధ్య ప్రదేశ్‌ రాజధాని భోపాల్‌లో సిపిఎం ప్రధాన కార్యదర్శి సీతారామ్‌ ఏచూరి మాట్లాడుతూ అక్కడ పోటీ చేస్తున్న మాలెగావ్‌ పేలుళ్ల నిందితురాలు, బిజెపి అభ్యర్ధి ప్రజ్ఞ సింగ్‌ ఠాకూర్‌ చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యల మీద స్పందించారు. హిందువులకు హింస మీద విశ్వాసం లేదు అని ఆమె మాట్లాడటం గురించి సీతారామ్‌ స్పందించారు. ఈ దేశంలో ఎందరో చక్రవర్తులు, రాజులు యుద్ధాలు చేశారు.రామాయణం, మహాభారతాలు కూడా ఎన్నో యుద్ధాలు, హింసతో నిండి వున్నాయి. ఒక ప్రచారకురాలిగా మీరు ఇతిహాసాల గురించి చెబుతారు. అయినా హిందువులు హింసకు పాల్పడరని అంటారు. దీనికి వెనుక వున్న తర్కం ఏమిటి ? హిందువులు హింసకు పాల్పడరనేది ఒక అవాస్తవం, దానికి ఎలాంటి చారిత్రక ఆధారాలు లేవు. తొలి దశ ఎన్నికలు అయిపోయాయి. తిరిగి వారి అసలైన అజెండా 370, 35ఏ ఆర్టికల్స్‌ రద్దు, వివాదాస్పద స్ధలంలో రామమందిర నిర్మాణం, వుమ్మది పౌర స్కృతి వంటి అంశాలకు వారు తిరిగి వచ్చారు. మూడవ దశ ఎన్నికల తరువాత భోపాల్‌లో ప్రజ్ఞా ఠాకూర్‌ను అభ్యర్ధిగా నిలబెట్టటం ప్రజలలో మనోభావాలను రెచ్చగొట్టే చర్య తప్ప మరొకటి కాదు. ఇదీ సీతారామ్‌ ఏచూరి వుపన్యాసంలో ఒక అంశం సారాంశం.

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దీనిలో రామాయణ,భారతాల ప్రస్తావనను మాత్రమే ముందుకు తెచ్చి మతధోరణులును రెచ్చగొట్టేందుకు తద్వారా మిగిలిన దశల్లో ఓట్ల లబ్ది పొందేందుకు పూనుకున్నారు. ఏచూరి చేసిన విమర్శలో రెండో భాగానికి సమాధానం లేదు. హింసాత్మక ప్రవృత్తి కలిగిన వారు అన్ని మతాల్లో వుంటారని తాను చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యలను ప్రధాని నరేంద్రమోడీ వక్రీకరిస్తున్నారని ఏచూరి పేర్కొన్నారు.’ ఒక వుగ్రవాద కేసులో నిందితురాలిగా వున్న వ్యక్తిని అభ్యర్ధిగా బిజెపి నియమించిన అంశం మీద భోపాల్‌లో నేను చెప్పిన దానిని ఆయనకు అలవాటైన పద్దతుల్లో వక్రీకరించారు. వుగ్రవాదానికి మతం వుండదు, హింసాత్మక ప్రవృత్తి వున్న వారు అన్ని సామాజిక తరగతుల్లో వుంటారు. ఇతిహాసాలైన రామాయణ, మహాభారాతాల్లో కూడా అలాంటి వ్యక్తులు మనకు కనిపిస్తారు. మతపరమైన విభజనను మరింత పెంచేందుకు మోడీ అసత్యాలు చెబుతున్నారు’ అని ట్వీట్‌ చేశారు. ఏచూరి భోపాల్‌ వ్యాఖ్యలు హిందూమతాన్ని కించపరిచేవిగా వున్నాయని, మనోభావాలను దెబ్బతీశాయని ఇంకా ఏవేవో చేశాయని చెబుతూ కార్పొరేట్‌ రామ్‌దేవ్‌ బాబా, ఇంకా చిల్లర మల్లర ఆర్‌ఎస్‌ఎస్‌, బిజెపి వ్యక్తులు కొన్ని చోట్ల పోలీసు కేసులు దాఖలు చేశారు. సంఘపరివార్‌ ఎత్తుగడల్లో కేసులు దాఖలు చేసి కోర్టుల చుట్టూతిప్పే చౌకబారు చర్య ఒకటి. అయితే ఆ కేసులు నిలుస్తాయా లేదా, వాటికి ఎవరూ భయపడక పోయినప్పటికీ మీడియాలో ప్రచారం పొందవచ్చని, వివాదాలు జనం నోళ్లలో నానుతూ వుండాలనేది వారి లక్ష్యం. వారికి శివసేన తాళం, పక్కవాయిద్యాలుగా పని చేస్తున్నది.

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ఈ సందర్భంగా తమ రాజకీయాలేవో తాము చెప్పుకోకుండా అనవసరంగా సీతారామ్‌ ఏచూరి వ్యాఖ్యలు చేశారంటూ కొందరు కపటంతో కూడిన సలహాలు ఇస్తున్నారు. అంటే తాము చెప్పిందే వేదం, పాడిందే పాట అంటూ కొంత మంది వక్రీకరణలకు, విద్వేష ప్రచారానికి పూనుకుంటే నోరు మూసుకొని కూర్చోవాలా? ప్రపంచంలో ఎక్కడా ఇలా కూర్చోలేదు, అది అసలు మానవ స్వభావానికే విరుద్దం. ఒక రాయికి, నోరు లేని పశువుకు, మనిషికి ఇంక తేడా ఏముంది. అనవసరంగా వ్యాఖ్యలు చేశారని కాదు, ఆయన అన్నదాంట్లో వున్న అసందర్భం, అసమంజసం ఏమిటన్నది చెప్పకుండా చేయకుండా వుంటే బాగుండేది , మనోభావాలను దెబ్బతీయటం, ఓట్లు పొగొట్టుకోవటం ఎందుకు అన్నట్లుగా మాట్లాడుతున్నారు. ఇది చచ్చిన చేపల బాట తప్ప బతికిన చేపల ఎదురీత కాదు. భిన్న అభిప్రాయం అనేది భారతీయ సంస్కృతిలో భాగం. దానికి వేల సంవత్సరాల నాడే చార్వాకులు లేదా లోకాయతులు నాంది పలికారు. వారిని భౌతికంగా నాశనం చేస,ి వారు రాసిన గ్రంధాలను ధ్వంసం చేసిన వుగ్రవాద చరిత్ర నాటి మత పెద్దలది, వారికి మద్దతు ఇచ్చిన రాజరికాలది. అయినా సరే ప్రతి తరంలోనూ ఛాందసాన్ని, మతోన్మాదాన్ని వ్యతిరేకించే శక్తులు పుట్టుకు వస్తూనే వున్నాయి. భావజాలాన్ని అంతం చేయటం ఎవరి వల్లా కాదన్నది చరిత్ర చెప్పిన సత్యం.పురోగామి భావజాలానికిి ప్రతీకలుగా వున్నవారిలో ఏచూరి ఒకరు. గతంలోఎందరో రామాయణ, మహాభారతాలను విమర్శనాత్మకంగా చూడలేదా ? చోళరాజు కుళోత్తుంగుడు శైవమతాభిమాని. వైష్ణవులను ఇతరులను సహించని కారణంగానే రామానుజుడు పన్నెండు సంవత్సరాల పాటు అజ్ఞాతవాసం లేదా హోయసల రాజుల ఆశ్రయం పొందాడని చరిత్రలో లేదా ? అశోక చక్రవర్తి కళింగ యుద్ధంలో జరిగిన మారణకాండను చూసిన తరువాత మారు మనసు పుచ్చుకొని బౌద్ధమతాన్ని అవలంభించాడన్న చరిత్ర చెబుతున్నదేమిటి? కుళోత్తుంగుడు, అశోక చక్రవర్తి, లేదా శైవ, వైష్ణవ మతాభిమానులైన చక్రవర్తులకు వేదాలు, పురాణాలు, భారత, రామాయణాలు తెలియవా, వారు వాటిని చదివిన తరువాతనే కదా శైవ, వైష్ణవ మత యుద్దాలకు, ప్రార్ధనా మందిరాల విధ్వంసకాండ, కూల్చివేతలకు, మారణకాండకు పాల్పడింది. మరి వాటిలోని మంచి నుంచి వారేమి నేర్చుకున్నట్లు ? అలాంటి మారణకాండకు పాల్పడకుండా వారిని ఆ గ్రంధాల భావజాలం నిలువరించలేదే. ఒకనాడు ఒకరిని ఒకరు అంతం చేసుకోవాలని చూసిన వారు నేడు హిందూ మతం పేరుతో వారు శైవులైనా, వైష్ణవులైనా రాజీపడి ఇతర మతాల మీద దాడికి పూనుకుంటున్నారు.

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ఇతిహాసాలైనా, పురాణాలు, వేదాలు, భగవద్గీత వంటి హిందూ మత గ్రంధాలైనా, ఇతర మతాలకు చెందిన బైబిల్‌ పాత మరియు కొత్త నిబంధనలు, ఖురాన్‌, సిక్కుల గురుగ్రంధమైనా మరొకటి అయినా ఎవరినీ వుగ్రవాదులుగా మారమని, ఇతరులను అంతం చేయమని చెప్పలేదు. వాటిని చదివినవారందరూ వుగ్రవాదులుగా మారి వుంటే ఈ పాటికి ప్రపంచంలో ఏ ఒక్కడూ మిగిలి వుండేవారు కాదు. ప్రపంచంలో అత్యధికంగా 230 కోట్ల మంది క్రైస్తవులు, 180 కోట్ల మంది ముస్లింలు, 115 కోట్ల మంది హిందువులు, అసలు ఏ మతం లేని వారు 120 కోట్ల మంది వున్నారు. ఆర్‌ఎస్‌ఎస్‌ వారు చెప్పేదాని ప్రకారం ఖురాన్‌ హింసను ప్రేరేపిస్తున్నదని చెప్పేదే వాస్తవం అయితే ప్రపంచంలో 180 కోట్ల మంది వుగ్రవాదులుగా మారి వుండాలి. ఐఎస్‌ వుగ్రవాదులు ముస్లింలే, వారు చంపుతున్నదీ సిరియా,ఎమెన్‌ వంటి ఇస్లామిక్‌ దేశాల్లోని జనాన్నే కాదా ? సౌదీ అరేబియా ముస్లిం దేశం మరొక ముస్లిం దేశం ఎమెన్‌ మీద యుద్దం చేస్తున్నది, ఇరాన్‌కు వ్యతిరేకంగా అమెరికాతో సహకరిస్తున్నది. అలా చేయమని ఖురాన్‌ చెప్పిందా ? అమెరికాను, ఐరోపా దేశాలను పరిపాలించింది క్రైస్తవులే, ప్రపంచాన్ని ఆక్రమించుకున్నది క్రైస్తవ దేశాలకు చెందిన వారే. అనేక ప్రాంతీయ యుద్ధాలకు, రెండు ప్రపంచ యుద్దాలకు కారకులైన హిట్లర్‌, ముస్సోలినీ వంటి వారందరూ క్రైస్తవులే. యుద్ధాలు చేయమని, జనాన్ని చంపమని బైబిల్‌ బోధించిందా? అదే అయితే ఇతర మతాలకు చెందిన దేశాల మీద వారికి వారే ఎందుకు యుద్ధాలు చేసుకున్నట్లు ? ఈ రోజు ప్రపంచంలో దాదాపు 40దేశాలలో జోక్యం చేసుకుంటున్న అమెరికన్లు మత రీత్యా క్రైస్తవులే. బరాక్‌ ఒబామా అయినా, డోనాల్డ్‌ ట్రంప్‌ అయినా ఆ విధానంలో మార్పు లేదు. భారత, రామాయణాలు, భగవద్గీత, పురాణాలను చదివిన నరేంద్రమోడీ మరి నరహంతక చర్యలకు పాల్పడుతున్న డోనాల్డ్‌ ట్రంప్‌ను కౌగిలింతలతో స్నేహం చేయమని ఆ గ్రంధాల్లో చెప్పాయా? ఆ దారుణాలను ఎందుకు ఖండించరు, అలాంటి శక్తులకు దూరంగా ఎందుకు వుండరు ? ముస్లింలు, క్రైస్తవులను ద్వేషించమని, వారి మీద విద్వేషాన్ని రెచ్చగొట్టమని భారత రామాయణాలు చెప్పలేదే, మరి వాటిపేరుతో హిందూత్వశక్తులు చెలరేగిపోతుంటే ఆ దేవుళ్లు,దేవతలు ఎందుకు జోక్యం చేసుకోవటం లేదు.

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తాను బాబరీ మసీదు పైకి ఎక్కానని, దాని కూల్చివేతలో భాగస్వామి అయ్యానని, దేవుడు తనకు ఇచ్చిన అవకాశమదని, మరోసారి దొరికితే తిరిగి పాల్గొంటానని స్వయంగా టీవీ ఇంటర్య్యూలో ప్రజ్ఞ చెప్పటం అంటే బాబరీ మసీదు కూల్చివేత నేరాన్ని అంగీకరించటమే. సాంకేతికంగా కేసుల్లో నిందితులుగా వున్నప్పటికీ బహిరంగంగా అంగీకరించిన వారిని నేరస్తులు అనే జనం అంటారు. తనకు ఆరోగ్యం బాగోలేదని, ఇతరుల సాయం వుంటే తప్ప నడవలేనంటూ కాన్సర్‌ చికిత్సకోసం బెయిలు ఇవ్వాలని కోరిన ఆమె ఎవరి సాయంతో పని లేకుండా ఎన్నికల ప్రచారం అంటూ భోపాల్‌ వీధుల్లో తిరిగి రెచ్చగొడుతున్నారు. ఎన్నికల కమిషన్‌ నిషేధం విధిస్తే గుళ్లు, గోపురాలు తిరుగుతూ ప్రచారం చేస్తున్నారు. ఇదేమంటే పూజలు చేసుకోనివ్వరా అంటూ మనోభావాలను రెచ్చగొడుతున్న ఆమెను అబ్దాలకోరు అనాలా, నిజం చెప్పని మనిషిగా భావించాలా ? వుగ్రవాద కేసులో ఆమె జైల్లో వున్నారు. నిందితులు ముస్లింలు, క్రైస్తవులు అయితే వారికి ఆ మతాలను తగిలించి వుగ్రవాదులు అని మీడియా రాస్తున్నది, చూపుతున్నది. ఆ లెక్కన ప్రజ్ఞను హిందూ వుగ్రవాది, హిందూ వుగ్రవాదం అనాలా లేదా ? అమెరికా, ఇతర ఐరోపా దేశాల్లో వుగ్రవాద చర్యలకు పాల్పడిన శ్వేతజాతీయులకు శిక్షపడకుండా లేదా నామమాత్రంగా వేసే విధంగా ముందే పోలీసులు మతిస్ధిమితం లేని వ్యక్తి అని చెబుతారు. మీడియా కూడా జీహుజూర్‌ అంటూ అలాగే రాస్తున్నట్లుగా ప్రజ్ఞను కూడా మతిలేని స్దితిలో వున్నట్లు పేర్కొనాలా ? ఇలాంటి ఆమె దేశ సంస్కృతికి ప్రతీక అని నరేంద్రమోడీ అభివర్ణించటాన్ని ఏమనాలి? మహోన్నతమైన దేశ సంస్కృతి గురించి గర్వపడుతున్నవారి మనోభావాలు గాయపడ్డాయా లేదా? లేకపోతే ఇలాంటి వారే ప్రతీకలైతే మన సంస్కృతి కూడా అలాంటిదేనా అని ఎవరైనా అనుకుంటే తప్పు ఎవరిది?

ప్రజ్ఞ ఇంకా నిందితురాలే తప్ప నేరం రుజువు కాలేదు కదా , ఆమె తన మతం గురించి మాత్రమే చెప్పింది కదా ? ఇలాంటి వాదనలను బిజెపి వారు తెస్తున్నారు. ఇది పచ్చి అవకాశవాదం, తర్కానికి కట్టుబడనిది. అదే ఇతర మతాలకు చెందిన వారైతే కేసులు నమోదు చేసిన వెంటనే నేరస్తులనే ముద్రవేస్తున్నారు. నిర్ధారించేస్తున్నారు.అయినా కేసుల్లో ఇరుక్కొన్న వివాదాస్పదులైన వారు తప్ప మరొకరు బిజెపికి దొరకలేదా ? ఇదే పార్టీ పెద్దలు గతంలో ఆశారాంబాపు, డేరా బాబా గుర్మీత్‌ సింగ్‌ వంటి కరడు గట్టిన నేరస్ధులందరినీ నేరం రుజువు కాలేదు కదా అని సమర్ధించారు. వారి ఆశీర్వాదాలు పొందారు, వారితో తమకు ఓట్లు వేయించాలని సిఫార్సులు చేయించుకున్నారు. వారికి శిక్షలు పడిన తరువాత ఏ బిజెపి నేత అయినా వ్యక్తిగతంగా లేదా పార్టీ పరంగా అలాంటి వారిని సమర్ధించినందుకు దేశ ప్రజలకు క్షమాపణలు చెప్పారా? లేదే ? రేపు ప్రజ్ఞ నేరం రుజువైతే ఏమిటి?

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హిందువుల మీద సీతారాం ఏచూరి ఇలాంటి దాడులు చేయటం వల్లే కమ్యూనిస్టులు వున్న పలుకుబడి కూడా కోల్పోతున్నారు. అనే శాపనార్ధం ఒకటి. భారత, రామాయణాల్లో వున్న సంఘటనలు, పాత్రల మీద విమర్శలు లేదా వ్యాఖ్యలు చేసింది కమ్యూనిస్టులొక్కరే కాదే, ఎన్‌టిరామారావు సినిమాల్లో ఎన్ని డైలాగులు వున్నాయో తెలియదా, మరి అలాంటి వ్యక్తి పార్టీ పెట్టిన ఆరునెలల్లోనే అధికారానికి వచ్చారు. దానికేమంటారు? ఆ మాటకు వస్తే కాంగ్రెస్‌ నేతలెవరూ భారత, రామాయణాలను విమర్శించలేదు, వాటికి కట్టుబడే వున్నారు. మరి ఆ పార్టీ నేడు ఒక పెద్ద ప్రాంతీయ పార్టీగా ఎందుకు దిగజారినట్లు ? దాన్నుంచి దేశాన్ని విముక్తి చేస్తానని బిజెపి ఎందుకు చెబుతున్నట్లు ? నిజానికి సంఘపరివార్‌ లేదా ప్రజ్ఞ వంటి వారి శాపాలకే అంత శక్తి వుంటే రామాయణ విషవృక్షం అనే గ్రంధం రాసిన రంగనాయకమ్మ దశాబ్దాల తరువాత కూడా అదే వుత్సాహంతో ఇంకా రాస్తూనే వున్నారే. ప్రజ్ఞ చెప్పినట్ల హేమంత కర్కరే మాదిరి ప్రాణాలు తీయకపోయినా కనీసం ఆమె కలాన్ని పని చేయకుండా చేయలేకపోయిన నోటి తుత్తర సరుకని అనుకోవాలి. ఎందరో సాధ్వులుగా దేశమంతా తిరుగుతున్నవారు, పీఠాలు పెట్టుకున్నవారు వున్నారు. ఆశారాం బాపు, డేరా బాబాలు ఎందరో మానవతుల శీలాలను హరించారు,హత్యలు చేశారు. శీలం, ఏకత గురించి కబుర్లు చెప్పే ఇలాంటి సాధ్వులు ఒక్కడంటే ఒక్కడినీ శపించలేదేం. ప్రాణాలు తీయకపోయినా జీవచ్ఛవాలుగా మార్చి మరొకడు అలాంటి పనికి పాల్పడకుండా చేయవచ్చు కదా. ఇప్పటికైనా మించిపోయింది లేదు. మసీదుల్లో, రైళ్లలో అమాయకుల ప్రాణాలు తీసే తీవ్రవాద చర్యలు గాక తామక తంపరగా తయారవుతున్న తోటి యోగులతో కలసి దుష్టసంహారం కోసం శాపాలు పెట్టమనండి.

చివరిగా భారత, రామాయణాల గురించి ఒక్క మాట. ఒక్క భారతం ఏమిటి ఏ పురాణం చూసినా ముగింపు ఏమిటి దుష్ట సంహారం పేరుతో హింసాకాండలేగా. అసలు యుద్ధమే సమర్దనీయం కాదు. ధర్మ యుద్దమని కొన్నింటికి పేరు. నిజానికి ధర్మ యుద్దమైతే రెండువైపులా వారు గాక అధర్మంవైపు వారే మరణించాలి కదా ? మహా భారత యుద్ధంలో ఏడు అక్షౌహిణులు పాండవుల తరఫున పదకొండు అక్షౌహిణులు కౌరవుల తరఫున పాల్గొన్నాయి. ఒక వ్యాఖ్యానం ప్రకారం 18 అక్షౌహిణుల్లో 47,23,920 సైనికులు, గుర్రాలు, ఏనుగులు, రధాలు వున్నాయి. మరొక కధనం ప్రకారం కురు పాండవ యుద్దంలో మరణించిన వారి సంఖ్య 166 కోట్ల 20వేల మంది అని, బతికిన వారు 2,40,165 మంది అని యుధిష్టరుడు (ధర్మరాజు) చెబుతాడు. అంటే ఇంత మందిని బలిపెట్టినది ధర్మ యుద్దం ఎలా అవుతుంది. వంద మంది కౌరవ సోదరులను హతమార్చి వుంటే సరిపోయేదానికి ఇంత మందిని బలిపెట్టాలా ? మరొక కధనం ప్రకారం బతికింది పన్నెండు మందే అని ఎక్కడో చదివాను. ఇక రామాయణం. ఇది చెబుతున్నదేమిటి? రాముడు వాలిని చెట్టుచాటు నుంచి బాణం వేసి చంపాడు. అంటే చంపదలచుకున్నవాడిని ఎలాగైనా అంతం చేయవచ్చు అన్ననీతిని బోధించినట్లే కదా, నేడు జరుగుతున్న నేరాలన్నీ దాదాపు ఇలాంటివే కదా. ధర్మ యుద్దం అంటే ఒక తేదీ, స్ధలం నిర్ణయించుకొని ముఖాముఖీ తలపడటం ఎక్కడైనా జరుగుతోందా? రామ రావణ యుద్దంలో ఎందరు మరణించిందీ స్పష్టంగా తెలియదు. కానీ రావణుడి ఆయువు పట్టు విభీషణుడి ద్వారా తెలుసుకొని రాముడు చంపాడు. ఇప్పుడు జరుగుతున్నది కూడా అదే కదా. ప్రత్యర్ది పార్టీల ఆర్ధిక ఆయువు పట్టు ఎక్కడుందో తెలుసుకొని ప్రభుత్వ సంస్ధల ద్వారా దాడులు చేయించి లేదా బెదిరించీ రాజకీయాల్లో ఫిరాయింపులు లేదా నాశనం చేయటం చూస్తున్నదే కదా. ఇలా చెప్పుకుంటే చాలా వున్నాయి. అందువలన భిన్న అభిప్రాయాలు, భిన్న స్వరాలు విప్పనివ్వండి, జనాన్ని తెలుసుకోనివ్వండి. పిచ్చిబియ్యాలకు,శాపాలకు భయపడే రోజులు కావివి అని గుర్తించండి.

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Three Years of BJP Government

29 Monday May 2017

Posted by in BJP, CPI(M), Current Affairs, History, INDIA, Left politics, NATIONAL NEWS, Opinion, Politics

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Three Years of BJP Government

Double Whammy for the Indian People

Sitaram Yechury

The BJP government is celebrating the completion of three years in office
with their trademark grandiose and fanfare.  Seen from the perspective of
the vast majority of the Indian people, there is no occasion for any
celebration.  The livelihood conditions of the Indian people have sharply
deteriorated during the course of these three years.

The BJP government, under Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, has unveiled the
true character of the BJP functioning as the political arm of the RSS.
The RSS continues to pursue its ideological project of converting the
secular democratic Republic into their version of a rabidly intolerant
fascistic `Hindu Rashtra?.

In the process,  the government has unleashed a quadruple attack on India
and the people.  At one level, there is a sharp rise of communal
polarization with growing murderous attacks on dalits and the Muslim
minority community; secondly, neo-liberal economic reforms are being
pursued more  aggressively by this government than ever before; thirdly,
growing authoritarian trends are undermining the democratic and
parliamentary institutions; and lastly, India has been reduced to the
status of a junior strategic partner of US imperialism.

Deteriorating People?s Livelihood Conditions

This BJP government assumed office promising acche din for the people. It
had promised to create two crores of jobs every year.  As against this,
the job creation in eight major industrial sectors in the country was
lowest in the last eight years.  1.35 lakh jobs were created in these
sectors in 2015. In 2016, the Labour Bureau reports that 2.31 lakh jobs
were created.  Over and above the backlog of huge unemployment in the
country, 1.5 crore youth join the job market every year.   Even amongst
those who are working, the ILO reports that 35 per cent of India?s working
people are `under employed?.

The much tom-tomed IT sector has reported a dismal picture regarding job
creation.  International agency, McKinsey has estimated that amongst the
40 lakh workers in the IT sector today, nearly 50 to 60 per cent would be
rendered redundant.  Three major IT companies ? Infosys, Wipro and
Cognizant ? have reported considering retrenching 56,000 workers.  The
IITs, across the country, have reported a sharp fall in corporates hiring
students passing out from the campuses.

Rural employment has been severely curtailed with the refusal of this BJP
government to release funds for the legal commitments made under the
MGNREGA. The government, on an average, has reportedly informed that
during the course of these three years, more than 20,000 people under this
scheme were denied payment of wages each year.  Take the case of Tripura,
a state which ranks number one in providing the maximum mandays under this
scheme, averaging around 94, the funds released by the Central government
are so meagre that Tripura can now only offer 42 mandays, i.e., less than
half of what was there during the past three years.

The scenario for the future looks bleak on both the employment as well as
industrial/manufacturing front. The growth rate of industrial output has
dropped from 5.5 per cent to 2.7 per cent last year.  Credit growth from
the banking sector has dipped to its lowest level in 63 years.  Clearly,
manufacturing activity has declined considerably reflected in this fall of
banking credit growth.

The demonetization had crippled the informal sector of our economy which
contributes over 40 per cent of our GDP and accounts for nearly
three-fourths of our employment.

The conditions in rural India have worsened during these last three years.
The Central government has informed the apex court that, on an average,
12,000 farmers have been committing distress suicides in every one of
these three years.  The major reason for this distress suicides is the
debt burden under which the majority of the Indian farmers are groaning.
Three years ago, this BJP government promised to increase the minimum
support price for our farmers to the level of one and a half times the
input costs required for agricultural operations.  The government has
betrayed the peasantry on this account as well.

On top of this, the import duty on wheat has been eliminated resulting in
wheat coming into the market at a price lower than the MSP declared by the
government.  The farmers are being forced to undertake distress sales
which further worsen the debt burden.  Even the existing MSP is not being
paid to the farmers for many crops, including cotton. This is the state of
our annadatas during the course of these three years.

While this government is considering proposals for restructuring (read
`writing off?) the massive loans taken by Indian corporates from our
nationalized banks, it is not prepared to consider the restructuring of
loans taken by our farmers.  The outstanding NPAs against corporates,
including interest, would amount to a humongous Rs. 11 lakh crores.  While
the poor farmers are harassed with the properties and cattle being
attached by the bank, pushing them towards distress suicides, no punitive
action against any defaulting corporates is even being considered.  This
is the true character of this government that has been exposed during the
course of these three years.

Growing Inequalities

Naturally, under these conditions, the Human Development Indicators for
the vast majority of the Indian people has sharply declined.  The reputed
international medical journal, The Lancet, has shown that India ranks at a
low position of 154 out of 195 countries on the global index of `burden of
disease?.   India has fallen eleven places on this index during the last
one year.  Indian people today face a `burden of disease? which is worse
than our sub-continent neighbours like Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and
Bangladesh.

Such anti-people policies of enriching the rich and impoverishing the poor
has resulted in a huge growth  of economic inequalities. Between 2014 and
2016, the richest one percent of Indians increased their share of nation?s
wealth from 49 per cent to 58.4 per cent. This figure stood at 36.8 per
cent in 2000. The same Credit Suisse report that gives this information
also shows a more alarming feature that the share of the bottom 70 per
cent of Indians together is today just 7 per cent of the nation?s wealth.
This figure was double at 14 per cent that this 70 percent owned in 2010.

The latest National Sample Survey report on household expenditure in India
shows the huge gulf between the rich and poor that is widening in a rapid
manner. The top 10 per cent of Indian households today have an average
asset holding of Rs. 1.5 crore. This is 50,034 times the average value of
assets held by an urban household of the bottom 10 per cent of our
country.

The expenditures of India?s poor are so meagre that this does not figure
in any compilation of statistics of macro entities of GDP or tax
collections. In fact the lower half of India?s population spends virtually
nothing on any item other than what is required for their survival. Given
these disparities the devastation that the demonetization has struck on
India?s poor had made little difference to the overall spending patterns
in the country because it is only the rich and to a certain extent the
upper section of the middle class that spends. This explains why the
figures for the GDP or that for the tax collections or for that matter the
sensex do not show a decline following demonetization. In other words, it
is not that demonetization was not inconsequential to people?s livelihood,
it devastated India?s other half while statistically this does not get
reflected.

Sharpening Communal Polarisation

In almost all BJP ruled states, private armies in the name of cow
protection have surfaced that are mounting  murderous attacks on dalits
and minorities.  Squads for `moral policing? like the anti-Romeo squad in
Uttar Pradesh or Sri Ram Sena in Karnataka continuously harass our youth
prescribing what to wear, what to eat, whom to  befriend etc. Unless such
private armies are banned, the protection of the rights of the dalits and
minorities cannot be ensured.

The situation in the state of Jammu & Kashmir continues to worsen.  This
BJP government?s Kashmir policy has proved to be a complete failure.  The
government has reneged on its promises of implementing some confidence
building measures in Jammu & Kashmir and starting the political process of
a dialogue  with all stakeholders in the state.

There is a systematic and intensive effort to change the country?s
education policy. Syllabus to be taught in schools and colleges is being
rapidly communalized.  To control the institutions of research and higher
education central universities like JNU and HCU are under attack to
destroy the progressive and secular content of these institutions.

All these put together amount to the advancing of the RSS agenda to
convert the secular democratic Republic into their version of a rabidly
intolerant fascistic `Hindu Rashtra?.

Undermining Institutions

Parliamentary institutions are being undermined.  This government is
taking frequent recourse of declaring various legislations as `money
bills? in order to avoid the Rajya Sabha where it does not have a
majority.  Most of the legislative business is passed without discussions
in the Lok Sabha where the BJP exercises its tyranny of majority.

Recently, the laws governing the donations made to political parties by
the corporates have been amended in such a manner that they will now
legalise political corruption.  The existing limits on the amounts the
corporates can donate to political parties have been removed.  The
transparency of such donations are also being adversely affected with the
introduction of electoral bonds. It is no longer necessary to know who has
bought the electoral bonds and given it to which political parties.  Thus,
there is no transparency any longer for political funding and, therefore,
no accountability.  This government refuses to amend the existing laws to
impose a ceiling on the expenditures of political parties during
elections, nor, ban corporate funding of political parties.  Consequently,
the role of money power distorting the democratic choices of the people
has sharply increased.

India has now opened up almost all areas of its economy for the in-flow of
foreign funds.  This includes crucial sensitive sectors like defence
production.  This largely facilitates the profit maximization of
multinational corporations at the expense of the Indian economy and the
people.  A massive drive of privatization of the public sector has been
launched.

With the signing of Indo-US treaties, India has entered into a logistics
sharing arrangement with the USA and has been accorded the status of a `US
defence partner?.  This is not in the interests of India?s independent
foreign policy status and position in the world.

These three years, hence, have seen an all-round attack on the vast
majority of the Indian people.  The people?s discontent is being sought to
be diverted away from protests against the BJP government and its policies
through the rousing of jingoistic nationalism of the Hindutva variety.
All patriotic Indian people have to uphold the banner of Indian patriotism
as opposed to the whipping up of Hindutva nationalism.  These three years
have shown that it is only the power of popular united struggles that can
put the pressure on this government to change its policy direction in
favour of improving people?s livelihood and to safeguard the Republican
character of our country.

CPI(M) memorandum to President of India on ongoing developments in the Hyderabad Central University.

26 Saturday Mar 2016

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Following is the text of the memorandum that the CPI(M) General Secretary, Sitaram Yechury, is submitting to the President of India, when he meets Shri Pranab Mukherjee on 25th evening at 7.30.

Hon’ble President of India

Rashtrapati Bhawan

New Delhi

Dear Rashtrapathiji,

I am writing this letter to you with a deep sense of anguish regarding the ongoing developments in the Hyderabad Central University.

The honourable President of India is the Visitor of this central university. There is an ongoing dispute with the newly appointed Vice Chancellor. The students, faculty and the entire university community has been agitating for redressing the circumstances which led to the tragic suicide of a bright research scholar, Rohith Vemula. After this suicide, the Vice Chancellor proceeded on long leave and he suddenly surfaced and took charge on March 22. His resumption of charge was accompanied by a brutal police action against the students and the university community about which I am sure you are aware.

The demand for the removal of this particular Vice Chancellor by the university community is being met with such a police action which has continued on March 23 as well. The water connection to the hostels, access to wifi, food supplies to the hostel mess – all have been discontinued. When the students themselves organised the cooking of food for the inmates they were once again attacked by the police and all those facilities destroyed.

The reason I am writing to you is because on the issue of removal of the Vice Chancellor, the HRD ministry has officially stated to the media the following:

“Regarding the demand for the removal of the VC the ministry has conveyed the same to the Visitor who is the appointing authority.”

Regarding the police action the ministry says that this is an

“issue of law and order (that) comes under the jurisdiction of the state government”.

This was conveyed to the entire media in the country by the HRD spokesperson Ghanshyam Goel (as reported in the Hindu web edition of March 24, 2016). Further, the news agency ANI  has also put out on social media and the electronic media the same explanation.

The honourable President of India, who is the visitor of the University has now been dragged into the controversy by the HRD ministry. Given this, I am approaching you to intervene in this situation to restore normalcy in this premier central university in our country. As of now some students are still in hospital with serious injuries. Twenty six students have been detained and are in judicial custody along with two members of the faculty. Thus a total of twenty eight persons are in jail.

Further, we are informed that the first decision taken by the Vice Chancellor upon his return was to defer the meeting of the Academic Council on Thursday (March 24), which was convened by the in-charge Vice Chancellor to discuss the setting up of an anti-discrimination committee on the campus, to ensure adequate representation of SCs and STs  on various committees of the university and to consider the proposal to increase the non-NET fellowship from Rs. 8,000 to Rs. 25,000 per month on parity with the Junior Research Fellowship in the country. The in-charge Vice Chancellor has reportedly pleaded that he had no knowledge  of the Vice Chancellor returning to assume charge of the university.

Following the tragic suicide of Rohith Vemula there was a case registered against the Vice Chancellor for aiding and abetting this suicide. Instead of proceeding on this case this gruesome attack on the university community was mounted by the police.

Since the honourable President of India as the Visitor of the Hyderabad Central University has been dragged into this controversy by the HRD ministry, I am approaching you to please intervene and ensure that the HCU Vice Chancellor who took a blatantly anti-dalit stand violating all established norms of social inclusion in the university must be removed forthwith. The case registered against him with the police must be proceeded with and justice must be delivered to the university community and the country.

I would also urge upon you to please intervene to ensure that the Human Resources Development ministry is not allowed to be converted into the Hindu Rashtra Development ministry.

Sd/-

(Sitaram Yechury)

General Secretary, CPI(M)

Telangana police must immediately proceed on the registered cases against the Vice Chancellor:CPI(M)

24 Thursday Mar 2016

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full text of the letter addressed by CPI(M)
General Secretary, Sitaram Yechury addressed to the Telangana Chief
Minister, Shri K Chandrasekar Rao  on the brutal attack on students and
faculty members of Hyderabad Central University.

Shri Chandrasekar Rao Garu,

I have tried in vain to contact you over telephone the whole day today.
Several messages have been left with your staff, but there has been no
response.  Having thus failed, I am writing this letter.

I am writing this letter with a sense of anguish and anger.  I am
particularly agonized at writing this letter to you on the martyrdom day of
Shahid Bhagat Singh.

The brutal police attack against students and other sections of the academic
community in the Hyderabad Central University yesterday has been followed up
by another round of attack today.  Continuing the manner with which the
students were dealt with by the Telangana police yesterday, the police today
have reportedly mounted yet another attack inside the campus.  The manner in
which the girl students were attacked by the male police with  the liberal
usage of foul language against them is reprehensible.

Following the stoppage of water connection, access to wifi, food supplies to
the hostel messes, the students themselves organized the preparation of food
for the hostel inmates.  Today, all these facilities were attacked by the
police and the Vice Chancellor has reportedly shut down the hostels.

Most of us in the country are aghast at the manner in which such brutal
assault is mounted on the university community by the Telangana police in
one of the premier Central universities of our country.

The Vice Chancellor who proceeded on leave following the tragic suicide of
Rohith Vemula was booked under charges of aiding and abetting this suicide
by creating the circumstances leading to this tragedy.  Instead of
proceeding against the Vice Chancellor on this case, the Telangana police
has resorted to such brutality against the students.

The students were protesting against the return of this Vice Chancellor and
demanding that the case against him must be proceeded with.  It is clear
that the police action under the sanction of the state government was to
facilitate the return of this Vice Chancellor.

Further, we are informed that the first decision taken by the Vice
Chancellor upon the return was to defer the meeting of the Academic Council
on Thursday (March 24), which was convened by the in-charge Vice Chancellor
to discuss the setting up of an anti-discrimination committee on the campus,
to ensure adequate representation of SCs and STs  on various committees of
the university and to consider the proposal to increase the non-NET
fellowship from Rs. 8,000 to Rs. 25,000 per month on parity with the Junior
Research Fellowship in the country. The in-charge Vice Chancellor has
reportedly pleaded that he had no knowledge  of the Vice Chancellor
returning to assume charge of the university.

The Telangana government, under your stewardship, has been vocal in
announcing that it champions the interests of the overwhelming bulk of the
state’s population that comes from SC/ST and various Other Backward Classes
and the marginalized sections.  Surely, your government and administration
cannot concur with these latest decisions of this Vice Chancellor.  Yet, it
is the Telangana police, under the remit of your government, that has
spearheaded this brutal attack against the university and the students.
This has happened as the university community continues to remain
traumatized over the tragic suicide of Rohith Vemula and the circumstances
created on the campus leading to such a tragedy.

Instead of proceeding, I repeat, against the Vice Chancellor on the basis of
the case registered against him, your government has discharged this
responsibility of mounting this attack against this university community.
It is being reported in the media that 28 students, who are victims of this
brutal lathicharge, have now been remanded  into custody and lodged at the
Central Jail.

In the fitness of living up to your own  proclamations and assurances, the
arrested students must be released immediately and the cases against them
must be dropped.  The Telangana police must immediately proceed on the
registered cases against the Vice Chancellor.  As this is a Central
University, we are demanding of the Central Government that their appointed
Vice Chancellor be removed forthwith.

Yours sincerely

(Sitaram Yechury)

General Secretary, CPI(M)

బలమైన సిపిఐ(ఎం)ను నిర్మిద్దాం

09 Saturday Jan 2016

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– సీతారాం ఏచూరి

                      ఇరవైఒకటవ పార్టీ మహాసభ ఆదేశాల మేరకు సిపిఐ(ఎం) ప్లీనం సమావేశమయింది. తన పనిని ‘2015 చివరికల్లా’ పూర్తిచేసింది. కేవలం ఎనిమిది నెలల కాలంలో పార్టీ మహాసభ ఆదేశాలను సిపిఐ(ఎం) నెరవేర్చ గలగటం గౌరవప్రదమైన విజయం. ప్లీనం నిర్వహించటానికి ఒక సమగ్రమైన, సవివర మైన విధానాన్ని, టైంటేబుల్‌ను పార్టీ కేంద్ర కమిటీ నిర్ణయించింది. ప్రస్తుత పార్టీ నిర్మాణం, పనితీరులను గురించి రాష్ట్ర కమిటీల నుంచి విస్తృత సమాచారాన్ని సేకరించటం కోసం ఒక వివరణాత్మక మైన ప్రశ్నావళిని పార్టీ కేంద్రం రూపొందించింది. రాష్ట్ర కమిటీ లు పంపిన సమాధానాలను పరిశీలించిన మీదట వాటి ఆధారంగా నిర్మాణంపై ‘ముసాయిదా నివేదిక’, ‘ముసాయిదా తీర్మానం’లను తయారు చేసింది. పార్టీ మహాసభకు, ప్లీనం జరగటానికి మధ్యకాలంలో పొలిట్‌బ్యూరో ప్రత్యేకంగా నాలుగు సార్లు, కేంద్ర కమిటీ మూడు సార్లు సమావేశమయ్యా యంటే దీనిలో ఎంత తీవ్ర స్థాయిలో సన్నాహక శ్రమ ఉందో అర్థం చేసుకోగలం. కొల్‌కతా బ్రిగేడ్‌ పేరేడ్‌ గ్రౌండ్స్‌లో జరిగిన మహా ప్రదర్శన అనంతరం 2015 డిసెంబర్‌ 27 మధ్యాహ్నం తరువాత ప్లీనంలో చర్చలు మొదలయ్యాయి. ఇటీవలి కాలంలో బ్రిగేడ్‌ మైదానంలో ఇంత పెద్ద ప్రదర్శన జరగలేదని బూర్జువా మీడియా కూడా అంగీకరించవలసి వచ్చింది. తృణమూల్‌ కాంగ్రెస్‌ దాడులను, అడ్డంకులను అధిగమించి ప్రదర్శనలో పాల్గొన్నవారిని చూస్తే సిపిఐ(ఎం) యువకులను ఆకర్షించలేకపోతున్నదని మన వర్గశత్రువులు, బూర్జువా మీడియా చేస్తున్న ప్రచారం ఎంత అసత్యమనే విషయం తెలుస్తున్నది. ఈ ప్రదర్శనలో పశ్చిమబెంగాల్‌లోని అన్ని ప్రాంతాల నుంచి యువతీయువకులు ఉత్సాహంగా పాల్గొన్నారు.
పార్టీ నిర్మాణం ప్రాధాన్యతను ఒక కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ ఎన్నడూ తక్కువగా చూడటం జరగదు. అశేష భారత ప్రజానీకానికి పార్టీ అవగాహనను, రాజకీయ పంథాను చేరవేయటంలో అది పార్టీకి ప్రధాన ఆయుధంగా ఉంటుంది. సజీవమైన, సమర్థవంతమైన పార్టీ నిర్మాణం లేనిదే భారత ప్రజలతో బలమైన అనుబంధాన్ని పెంపొందించుకుని, వారి ప్రయోజనాలను కాపాడేందుకు పోరాడజాలదు.
ప్రజాపంథాతో విప్లవపార్టీ
మన లక్ష్యాలను వేగవంతంగా సాధించేందుకు పార్టీ శ్రేణులను పునరుత్తేజపరిచే, పార్టీ నిర్మాణాన్ని పునఃపటిష్టం చేసే ప్రక్రియ ప్లీనం విజయవంతంగా ముగియటంతో ప్రారంభమయింది. పార్టీ రాజకీయ-ఎత్తుగడల పంథాను సమీక్షించి వామపక్ష ప్రజాతంత్ర సంఘటనను నిర్మించవల సిన ఆవశ్యకతను ప్రాథమ్య లక్ష్యంగా పునరుద్దరిస్తూ రాబో యే మూడు సంవత్సరాలకు రాజకీయ-ఎత్తుగడల పంథాను 21వ పార్టీ మహాసభ ఆమోదించింది. కాబట్టి ఈ లక్ష్యాలను సాధించేందుకు పార్టీ నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాలను బలోపేతం చేసేందుకు, క్రమబద్ధీకరించేందుకు నిర్మాణంపై జరిగిన ఈ ప్లీనం తన దృష్టిని సారించింది. బలమైన ప్రజాపోరాటాలను నిర్వహించటం ద్వారా ప్రస్తుత సవాళ్ళను ఎదుక్కోవాలని సిపిఐ(ఎం) కృతనిశ్చయంతో ఉంది. అంటే మనం మన పార్టీ స్వంత బలాన్ని పెద్ద ఎత్తున పెంచుకోవలసి ఉంటుంది. భారత ప్రజలలోని వర్గ శక్తుల పొందిక వామపక్ష, ప్రజాతంద్ర సంఘటన(ఎల్‌డిఎఫ్‌)కు అనుకూలంగా మార్చవలసిన అవసరాన్ని పునరుద్ఘాటించిన రాజకీయ-ఎత్తుగడల పంథాను అనుసరించి ఇది జరగాలి. ఏదో ఒక బూర్జువా కూటమిని ఎంచుకునే దయనీయ స్థితి నుంచి బయటపడేసి, ఒక ప్రత్యామ్నాయ విధాన ప్రాతిపదికన ఏర్పడే వర్గ ప్రత్యామ్నాయాన్ని భారత ప్రజల ముందుంచగలిగేంత బలంగా ఎల్‌డిఎఫ్‌ ఉండాలి. భారత ప్రజలలోని వర్గ శక్తుల పొందికను మార్చటం ద్వారా ఎల్‌డిఎఫ్‌ దేశంలో జనతా ప్రజాతంత్ర విప్లవం నుంచి సోషలిజానికి పరివర్తన చెందేం దుకు నాయకత్వం వహించే జనతా ప్రజాతంత్ర సంఘటనకు అగ్రగామిగా ఉంటుంది. అందువల్ల ప్రస్తుత దశలో దాని పంథా భారత ప్రజలతో సంబంధాలను బలోపేతం చేయడం అంటే ప్రజా మార్గంతో ఉన్న విప్లవ పార్టీ గనక మార్క్సిజం- లెనినిజం సైద్ధాంతాలపై ఆధారపడిన ఒక విప్లవ పార్టీగా సిపిఐ(ఎం) స్వభావాన్ని ప్లీనం పునరుద్ఘాటించింది.
నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాలను బలోపేతం చేయటం
పార్టీ నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాలను విస్తారంగా అభివృద్ధి చేస్తే తప్ప ఈ విప్లవ లక్ష్యాలను సాధించజాలం. అందువల్ల చాలా కఠినమైన సవాళ్ళు ఉన్నాయి. ప్రపంచవ్యాప్తంగానూ, దేశం లోనూ, సమాజంలోనూ నెలకొన్న సంక్షోభం శీఘ్రంగా తీవ్రతరమౌతోంది. ‘ప్రతి సంక్షోభ సమయంలోనూ ఏదో ఒక అవకాశం అందుబాటులో ఉంటుంది’ అనే పాత నానుడి ఉంది. పురోగమించేందుకు అలాంటి అవకాశాలను అంది పుచ్చుకోవాలని ప్లీనంలో సిపిఐ(ఎం) నిర్ణయించింది.ప్రపంచ పెట్టుబడిదారీ సంక్షోభం నెలకొన్న స్థితిలో ఆ వ్యవస్థలో ప్రవేశపెట్టిన సంస్కరణలు ప్రజలను తీవ్రమైన దోపిడీ నుంచి విముక్తి చేయలేవు. అలాంటి పరిస్థితిలో దోపిడీకి గురవు తున్న వర్గాల మద్దతును కూడగట్టే కార్మికవర్గ పార్టీగా సిపిఐ (ఎం) ముందుండాలి. సోషలిజం అనే రాజకీయ ప్రత్యామ్నా యంతోనే ఇది చేయటం సాధ్యపడుతుంది. అంతేకాక భారతదేశానికి ఒక ప్రత్యామ్నాయ రాజకీయ విధాన ప్రణాళిక సిపిఐ(ఎం)కు ఉన్నది. దాని ఆధారంగా మెరుగైన భారత దేశాన్ని సృష్టించటం సాధ్యమేనని ప్రజలు గుర్తించేందుకు వీలుకలుగుతుంది. ఆర్థిక అసమానతలను విపరీతంగా పెంచే ప్రస్తుత విధానాలకు బదులుగా దేశ వనరులను ఉపయోగించి నాణ్యమైన విద్యను, మంచి ఆరోగ్యాన్ని, సుస్థిర ఉపాధిని కల్పించి భారతీయ యువతకు మంచి భవితను ఈ ప్రత్యామ్నాయం అందిస్తుంది. మన బహుళ మత, భాష, సంస్కృతి, జాతుల ప్రజల మధ్య ఐక్యతను విచ్ఛిన్నంచేసి మతపరమైన కేంద్రీకరణను రెచ్చగొట్టి, అసహన ఫాసిస్టు హిందూ రాజ్యాన్ని మనదేశంపై రుద్దేందుకు ఆర్‌ఎస్‌ఎస్‌- బిజెపిలు చేసే ప్రయత్నాలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడే రాజకీయ శక్తిగా సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఉంటుంది. ఉగ్రవాదానికి, అన్ని రకాల మతమౌఢ్యాలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఏకకాలంలో నికరంగా పోరాడుతుంది. మెజారిటీ మతతత్వం, మైనారిటీ మత మౌఢ్యం ఒక దానిని మరొకటి బతికించుకుంటూ బలోపేతం చేసుకుంటాయి. అన్ని రకాల వివక్ష, సామాజిక అసమానతలతోపాటు కుల ఆధారిత అంటరానితనాన్ని రూపుమాపేందుకు సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఉద్యమాలను తీవ్రతరం చేస్తుంది. వేగంగా దిగజారుతున్న రాజకీయ నైతికత బురదలో అవినీతి, ప్రజా జీవితంలో నైతిక దిగజారుడుకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడే ఉదాహరణగా సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఉంటుంది. సిపిఐ(ఎం)కు ఉన్న ఈ రికార్డు పార్టీ నిర్మాణాన్ని బలోపేతం చేసే లక్ష్యాన్ని సాధించేందుకు అవకాశం కల్పిస్తుంది.
నిర్దిష్ట పరిస్థితులకు నిర్దిష్ట విశ్లేషణ
‘నిర్దిష్ట పరిస్థితులకు నిర్దిష్ట విశ్లేషణే గతితార్కిక నియమాల జీవసారం’ అనే లెనిన్‌ సూత్రీకరణను సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఎల్లవేళలా సమర్థిస్తుంది. ఈ సూత్రీకరణను అనుసరించి గత రెండు దశాబ్దాలుగా నయా ఉదారవాద విధానాల ప్రభావం వల్ల ఎలాంటి నిర్దిష్ట మార్పులు జరిగాయి అనే విషయాన్ని అధ్యయనం చేసేందుకు సిపిఐ(ఎం) మూడు స్టడీ గ్రూపులను నియమించింది. ఈ స్టడీ గ్రూపుల నిర్దారణల ఆధారంగా భూస్వాములు, గ్రామీణ ధనికుల కూటమికి వ్యతిరేకంగా వ్యవసాయ కార్మికుల, పేదల, మధ్యతరగతి రైతుల, వ్యవసా యేతర రంగాలలో పనిచేసే గ్రామీణ కార్మికుల, ఇతర గ్రామీణ పేదల విశాల ఐక్య సంఘటనను నిర్మించి వర్గ, ప్రజా ఉద్యమాలను బలోపేతం చెయ్యాలని ప్లీనం నిర్ణయించింది. ప్రధానమైన వ్యూహాత్మక పరిశ్రమలలో కార్మికులను సమీకరిం చటం, సంఘటిత, అసంఘటిత రంగాలలోని ఒప్పంద కార్మికులను సమీకరించటం, ట్రేడ్‌ యూనియన్ల, యువత, మహిళల సహకారంతో ప్రాదేశిక ఆధారిత నిర్మాణాలను స్థాపించటం, పట్టణాలలోని బస్తీలలో పట్టణ పేదలను సమీకరించటం, వృత్తి ఆధారిత బస్తీ కమిటీలను స్థాపించ టం, పౌర వేదికల వంటి వాటిని, సాంస్కృతిక కార్యకలాపా లను ప్రోత్సహించే వేదికలను, వారి జీవితాలలో, పనిలో శాస్త్రీయ దృక్పథం అలవర్చే కార్యకలాపాలను, రెసిడెన్షియల్‌ అసోసియేషన్లు, పింఛనర్ల అసోసియేషన్లు, వృత్తి సంఘాల ను స్థాపించి మధ్యతరగతి వర్గాలలో పనిని ప్రధానంగా భావ జాల సంబంధిత కార్యకలాపాలను బలోపేతం చెయ్యాలి.
సరైన క్యాడర్‌ విధానాన్ని అమలు చెయ్యాలి
ఒక కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ ఎల్లవేళలా పైనుంచే నిర్మించ బడుతుంది. కాబట్టి మన నిర్మాణాన్ని బలోపేతం చెయ్యా లంటే పార్టీ కేంద్రాన్ని బలోపేతం చెయ్యటంతో ఈ ప్రయ త్నాలు మొదలవ్వాలని, ఆ తరువాత పార్టీలోని అన్ని స్థాయిల్లో నాణ్యతను మెరుగుపర్చాలని ప్లీనం స్పష్టంగా పేర్కొన్నది. దీనిని సాధించటానికి తీసుకోవలసిన అనేక చర్యలలో యువ కామ్రేడ్స్‌ను గుర్తించి, ప్రోత్సహించి, సంబంధిత కమిటీల సమిష్టి నిర్ధారణ ఆధారంగా బాధ్యతలను అప్పజెప్పటం, వారిని విప్లవ పరివర్తన కోసం జరిగే పోరాటాలలో భావజాల నిబద్ధతకు, త్యాగానికి ప్రతీకలైన పూర్తి కాలం కార్యకర్తలుగా తీర్చిదిద్దటం, పూర్తి కాలం కార్యకర్తలకు తగిన వేతన నిర్మాణం ఉండేలా చూసి, వారికి సకాలంలో వేతనాలు అందేలా చూడ టం వంటి సరియైన క్యాడర్‌ విధానాన్ని అమలు చేయవలసిన అవసరాన్ని ప్లీనం ప్రముఖంగా పేర్కొన్నది. పటిష్టమైన శ్రేణులను నిర్మించటంలో భాగంగా క్రమం తప్పకుండా పార్టీ పాఠశాలలను నడపవలసిన అవసర ముందని, స్వీయ అధ్య యనం కోసం చదువవలసిన అవశ్యక గ్రంథాల పట్టికతో పాటు కేంద్ర స్థాయిలో సిలబస్‌ను తయారు చెయ్యాలని, పార్టీ పత్రికల, ప్రచురణల నాణ్యతను గణనీయంగా మెరుగుపర్చి, వాటి రూపం, సారాల స్థాయిని పెంచి అశేష ప్రజానీకానికి చేరేలా చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలని ప్లీనం భావించింది.
సామాజిక అణచివేతపై  పోరాటాలను తీవ్రతరం చెయ్యడం
ఆర్థిక దోపిడీ, సామాజిక అణచివేత అనే ‘రెండు కాళ్ళ’ మీద భారతదేశంలోని వర్గ పోరాటాలు ముందుకు సాగాలనే సిపిఐ(ఎం)అవగాహనను అనుసరించి జండర్‌ అణచివేత, దళిత, ఆదివాసీ, వికలాంగుల, మతసంబంధిత అల్పసంఖ్యా కుల పట్ల వివక్షతకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాటాలను తీవ్రతరం చేయటానికి పార్టీ నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాన్ని బలోపేతం చెయ్యాల ని ప్లీనం ప్రముఖంగా పిలుపునిచ్చింది. సిపిఐ(ఎం) ఈ రెండు కాళ్ళ మీద ముందుగా నడవాలి. ఆ తరువాత పరుగెత్తాలి.
మతతత్వంపై పోరాటం
మతతత్వ శక్తుల ప్రస్తుత భావజాల దాడిని తిప్పికొట్టేం దుకు పార్టీ నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాన్ని బలోపేతం చేయవలసిన అవసరం ఉందని ప్లీనం పేర్కొన్నది. ఇందుకోసం సాహిత్య వేత్తలను, శాస్త్రవేత్తలను, చరిత్రకారులను, సాంస్కృతిక రంగంలో పనిచేస్తున్న మేధావులను, ఇతర రంగాలకు చెందిన మేధావులను సమీకరించాలి. పాఠశాల పూర్వ, పాఠశాల స్థాయిలో శాస్త్రీయ దృక్పథాన్ని, లౌకిక విలువలను వ్యాప్తిచేసేందుకు సామాజిక, సాంస్కృతిక కార్యకలాపాలను నిర్వహించేందుకు అధ్యాపకులను, సామాజిక సంస్థలను భాగస్వాములను చెయ్యాలి. దళిత, ఆదివాసీల వంటి దోపిడీకి గురవుతున్న వర్గాలలోకి మతతత్వ ధోరణులు చొచ్చుకురాకుండా అడ్డుకునేందుకు ప్రత్యేక కార్యకలాపాలను రూపొందించాలి. ప్రగతిశీల, లౌకిక విలువలను, సాంస్కృతిక రూపాలను విస్తృతపరచటానికి విశాల సాంస్కృతిక వేదిక లను ఏర్పాటు చెయ్యాలి. ట్రేడ్‌ యూనియన్లు, ఇతర ప్రజా సంఘాలు తమతమ ప్రాంతాలలో సామాజిక, సాంస్కృతిక కార్యక్రమాలను నిర్వహించాలి. ఆరోగ్య కేంద్రాలు, విద్యా శిక్షణ సెంటర్లు, రీడింగ్‌ రూమ్స్‌, సహాయ కార్యక్రమాల వంటి సామాజిక సేవా కార్యకలాపాలను నిర్వహించాలి. వీటితో పాటు జనరంజకమైన సైన్స్‌, సాంస్కృతిక ఉద్యమాలను బలోపేతం చేయవలసిన అవసరం చాలా ఉన్నది.
తక్షణ అత్యవసర పనులు
గొప్ప ప్రజా ఉద్యమాలను నడిపేందుకు సిపిఐ(ఎం) దేశ ప్రజలతో సంబంధాలను బలోపేతం చేసేందుకు అవసర మైన చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలి. పార్టీ నిర్మాణ సామర్థ్యాన్ని పెంపొందించుకోవటానికి ఇది అవసరం. ప్రజలతో సజీవ సంబంధాలను బలోపేతం చేయటానికి ముందుగా పార్టీ ప్రజా పంథాను అమలుచేయాలి. అంటే అనేక రకాల స్థానిక పోరాటాలను నిర్వహించటానికి స్థానిక పార్టీ శాఖలను బలోపేతం చేయటంతోపాటు ప్రజాతంత్ర విప్లవానికి ఇరుసుగా ఉన్న వ్యవసాయిక విప్లవాన్ని ముందుకు తీసుకు పోయే విషయంపై మనం దృష్టి సారించాలి. ఇందుకోసం దోపిడీకి గురవుతున్న గ్రామీణ ప్రజలు చేసే పోరాటాలలో మమేకమవడం ద్వారా కార్మిక-కర్షక మైత్రిని బలోపేతం చేయాలి. పార్టీ పలుకుబడి పెరగటానికి, వామపక్ష, ప్రజాతంత్ర శక్తులను కూడదీయటానికి ఆర్థిక, సామాజిక సమస్యలపై వర్గ, ప్రజా పోరాటాలను నిర్వహించటంపై తక్షణమే దృష్టిని సారించాలి. ప్రజాపంథాను అవలంబించి ప్రజలతో సజీవ సంబంధాలను ఏర్పరచుకోవాలి. మంచి నాణ్యతగల సభ్యత్వాన్ని కలిగిన విప్లవ పార్టీని నిర్మించటానికి పార్టీ నిర్మాణాన్ని క్రమబద్ధం చేయాలి. యువతను పార్టీలోకి ఆకర్షించటానికి, మతతత్వానికి, నయా ఉదారవాదానికి, ప్రతీఘాత భావజాలాలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా భావజాల పోరాటం చేయటానికి ప్రత్యేక కృషి జరగాలి.
ఆమోదింపబడిన డాక్యుమెంట్లలోని నిర్ణయాలు- తీర్మానం, నివేదికలను తప్పనిసరిగా ఒక కాలపరిమితిలో అమలుచేయాలని ప్లీనం నిర్ణయించింది. ఇది పొలిట్‌బ్యూరో, కేంద్ర కమిటీలతో మొదలవుతుంది. కొన్ని రాష్ట్రాలలో అసెం బ్లీ ఎన్నికలు జరగనున్నందున అన్ని రాష్ట్ర కమిటీలూ తమ తమ నిర్దిష్ట పరిస్థితులను అనుసరించి తమ ప్రణాళికలను ఒక కాలపరిమితిలో అమలుచేయాలి. వాటిని ఒక సంవత్సర కాలంలో సమీక్షించాలి. అత్యావశ్యక సంకల్పంతో ఈ నిర్ణయా లను అమలు చేసేందుకు మొత్తం పార్టీని, కార్యకర్తలను, సానుభూతిపరులను, పార్టీ క్షేమాన్ని కాంక్షించేవారందరినీ సమీకరించాలని విజ్ఞప్తి చేస్తూ ప్లీనం ముగిసింది. మన దేశం లో విప్లవాత్మక సామాజిక పరివర్తనను ముందుకు తీసుకెళ్ళే బాధ్యతను సిపిఐ(ఎం) నిర్వర్తించేందుకు ఇదొక్కటే మార్గం.
(అనువాదం : నెల్లూరు నరసింహారావు)

Build A Stronger CPI(M)

08 Friday Jan 2016

Posted by in CPI(M), Current Affairs, INDIA, Left politics, NATIONAL NEWS

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Sitaram Yechury

The CPI(M)’s Plenum on Organization, as mandated by the 21st Congress, convened and completed its work “by the end of 2015”.  It is a creditable achievement that the CPI(M) could successfully implement this mandate within a short period of eight months.

Party Central Committee had decided on a fairly comprehensive and elaborate procedure and time table for the conduct of the Plenum.  A detailed questionnaire  was prepared by the Party Centre to gather extensive information from the state committees regarding the current state of affairs of the Party organisation  and the details of its functioning.  The replies sent by the state committees were examined and on that basis, both the Draft Report and Draft Resolution on Organization were prepared. The intensity of the preparatory work can be understood by the fact that during the period since the Party Congress and the convening of the Plenum, the Polit Bureau met separately four times and the Central Committee three times in the run-up to the Plenum.

The deliberations of the Plenum began from the late afternoon of December 27th after the conclusion of a gigantic rally in Kolkata Brigade Parade Grounds.  Even the bourgeois media had to concede that this was the largest ever rally held at the Brigade in the recent past.  The composition of the people who converged at the rally, braving all attacks and blockading attempts by the Trinamul Congress, nailed the lie of our class enemies and the bourgeois media that youth are not being attracted towards the CPI(M).  Youth from all over the state of West Bengal enthusiastically participated in this rally.

For a Communist party, the importance of the Party organisation can never be understated.  It is the Party’s principal weapon in carrying the Party’s understanding and its political line to the vast mass of the Indian people.  Without a well-oiled and efficient Party organisation, the Party cannot develop deep links with the Indian people and champion their interests.

Revolutionary Party with a Mass Line

The successful conclusion of this Plenum began the process of revitalizing the Party organisation and the reinvigorating the rank and file to move forward in a faster manner to achieve our objectives.  The 21st Party Congress adopted the Political Resolution, reviewed its political-tactical line and laid down the P-TL for the coming three years, restoring the primacy of building the Left and democratic front.  This Plenum on Organization, therefore, focused  on strengthening and streamlining our Party organizational capacities to fulfill these objectives.

This re-doubling of the CPI(M)’s resolve to meet the current challenges can only be carried forward by unleashing mightier people’s struggles.  This means directly that we should enlarge the independent strength of our Party in a big way.  This needs to be done in conformity with our adopted political-tactical line that reiterates the need for changing the correlation of class forces among the Indian people in favour of the Left and Democratic Front (LDF).  This LDF has to be strong enough to present to the Indian people a class alternative based on an alternative set of policies instead of leaving the people at the mercy of choosing between one bourgeois party/formation or the other.  The LDF, by changing the correlation of class forces among the Indian people, will be the precursor to the forging of the unity of the People’s Democratic Front, under whose leadership the Indian revolution will advance through the People’s Democratic Revolution  to Socialism.

Thus, the Plenum reiterated the character of the CPI(M) as a revolutionary party  based on the tenets of Marxism-Leninism while its line at this current conjuncture is to strengthen the links with the Indian people. i.e., a revolutionary party with a mass line.

Strengthen Organisational Capacities

These revolutionary objectives cannot be accomplished unless we vastly develop the Party’s organizational capacities.  There, however, are very formidable challenges.  The crisis globally and in our country and society continues to deepen rapidly. Wisdom of an old saying informs us that “in every crisis situation, there is an opportunity”. At the Plenum, the CPI(M) decided to seize such opportunities to advance.

The CPI(M) is best placed to advance as the political party of the working class rallying the support of all the exploited classes of our people in a situation of the world capitalist crisis which shows that no amount of reforms under capitalism can liberate people from intensifying exploitation. This can be done only through the political alternative of Socialism. Further, the CPI(M) has an alternative policy framework, for India, which will enable our people to realise their inherent potential and create a better India on that basis. This alternative offers the Indian youth a vision for a better future by marshalling our country’s resources to provide our youth with quality education, good health and sustainable employment, as opposed to the current policies that enormously widen economic inequalities. The CPI(M) remains the consistent political force that advocates and struggles for the unity of our multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic population against all efforts at disrupting such unity by sharpening communal polarisation and thwarting the RSS/BJP designs to impose their project of a rabidly intolerant fascistic ‘Hindu Rashtra’.  Simultaneously, the CPI(M) consistently fights against terrorism and fundamentalism of all hues. Majority communalism and minority fundamentalism feed and strengthen each other.  The CPI(M) intensifies movements to abolish caste based untouchability, along with all expressions of discrimination and social oppression of all varieties.  In a morass of fast degenerating political morality, the CPI(M) stands out as an example combating corruption and moral degradation in public life.

This record of the CPI(M) provides us the opportunity to build upon this further to achieve the objectives of galvanizing the Party organisation.

Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions

The CPI(M) has consistently  advocated the Leninist dictum: “concrete analysis of concrete conditions is the living essence of dialectics”. In pursuance of this, the CPI(M) established three study groups to study the concrete changes that have occurred during the last two decades of neo-liberalism.  On the basis of the findings of these study groups, the Plenum decided to strengthen class and mass struggles by: forging a broad front of agricultural workers, poor peasants, middle peasants, rural workers in the non-farm sections, artisans and other sections of the rural poor against the landlord-rural rich nexus; organising workers in key and strategic industries; organising contract workers in both the organized and unorganized sectors; establishing area-based organisations in coordination between trade unions, youth, women etc.; organising the urban poor in the bastis/local areas; establishing occupation based neighbourhood-mohallah-basti committees; strengthening work amongst the middle classes particularly ideological work by the establishment of various fora like citizens forums, platforms to promote cultural activities/actions; scientific temper and others related to their life and work; and strengthening work in residential associations, pensioners associations and professional bodies.

Implementing a Proper Cadre Policy

A Communist Party is always built from the top. Hence, to accomplish the strengthening of our organisation, the Plenum underlined that these efforts must begin by strengthening the Party Centre and proceeding towards improving the  quality of the Party at all levels.  Amongst many other measures to achieve this, the Plenum highlighted the need for implementing a proper cadre policy by identifying and promoting younger comrades and ensuring the entrusting of tasks on the basis of a collective assessment of concerned committees; nurturing such cadre as Party wholetimers – symbols of ideological conviction and sacrifice in the struggles for a revolutionary transformation – and strictly ensuring a proper wage structure for the Party wholetimers and maintaining regularity of payment.

As a part of effective cadre building, the Plenum emphasized the need of holding regular Party schools and preparing a central syllabus, along with a list of essential reading for self-study and vastly improving the reach and quality of Party papers and publications and making special efforts to upgrade their form and content.

Intensify Struggles against Social Oppression

Underlining the CPI(M) understanding that the issues of economic exploitation and social oppression are the `two feet’ upon which stands the advance of class struggles in India, the Plenum highlighted the need for strengthening the Party organizational capabilities to intensify struggles against gender oppression, discrimination against the dalits, tribals, disabled and religious minorities, by the Party as a whole. The CPI(M) must advance by walking and then running on these `two feet’.

Combating Communalism

The Plenum underlined the need to strengthen organizational capabilities to combat the current ideological offensive of the communal forces by undertaking various measures like: mobilising litterateurs, scientists, historians, cultural personalities and other sections of intellectuals; taking initiatives at the pre-school and school level by involving teachers and social organisations paying special attention to organise social and cultural activities to propagate scientific temper and secular values; evolving special activities to combat the penetration of communal influence amongst the exploited classes, dalits and adivasis; setting up of broad-based cultural platforms for propagation of progressive and secular values and cultural productions.  The trade unions and other mass organisations should also organize cultural and social activities in their localities. Organising social service activities like health centres, educational coaching centres, reading rooms, relief work and so on are essential along with the urgent need to  strengthen popular science and literary movements.

Urgent Essential Tasks

Building the capabilities of the Party organisation requires that the CPI(M) must undertake measures to strengthen our links with the Indian people in order to unleash mightier people’s struggles.  This needs, first and foremost,  the implementation of  the mass line of the Party to ensure the deepening of live links with the people. This means, apart from strengthening the local Party units to unleash a large variety of local struggles, we must focus on advancing the agrarian revolution, the axis of the democratic revolution, by forging unity in struggles of all rural exploited sections of people thereby strengthening efforts to develop the worker-peasant alliance.

The immediate focus must be on forging class and mass struggles on economic and social issues to widen the Party’s influence and to rally the Left and democratic forces; adopting a mass line and establish live links with the people; streamlining the organisation to build a revolutionary Party with quality membership of high quality; making special efforts to attract youth to the Party;  and waging the ideological struggle against communalism, neo-liberalism and reactionary ideologies.

The Plenum decided that the decisions contained in the adopted documents – Resolution and the Report – must be implemented in a time-bound fashion beginning from the Party Polit Bureau and Central Committee.  As some states will soon be going in for assembly elections, the Plenum decided that all state committees, in accordance with their concrete conditions, must concretize time-bound implementation plans and review them in a year’s time.

The Plenum concluded by calling  upon the entire Party, the rank and file, its sympathizers and well-wishers to rally together to implement these decisions with an urgent resolve. This is the only way that the CPI(M) can advance towards discharging its responsibility of ensuring a revolutionary social transformation in our country.

Forward towards a stronger CPI(M) with an all India mass base!
Forward towards a revolutionary Party with a Mass Line!

Marxism does not attack religion per se

08 Friday Jan 2016

Posted by in Communalism, CPI(M), Current Affairs, History, INDIA, Left politics, RELIGION, Religious Intolarence

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Sitaram Yechury

[This text is based on the speech delivered by Sitaram Yechury, General Secretary of CPI(M)  at the valedictory function of the 83rd Sivagiri Pilgrimage Celebrations on January 1, 2016 at Kerala.]

It is, indeed, an honour to be here at Sivagiri. My heartfelt thanks for being invited to share some thoughts with all of you in the concluding session of the 83rd Sivagiri Pilgrimage celebrations. It is, indeed, a very new and an appropriate way to begin the new year. A Happy New Year to all of you.

I belong to a generation that grew up on the values propagated by Srinarayana Guru – `the oneness of humanity’, with no social barriers on the grounds of caste, religion, region etc.  The slogan of `one caste, one religion, one god’ is an elevated expression of humanism which recognizes the value of a human being  as being supreme. A value that recognizes all human beings as being equal, irrespective of all social divisions.  This universality of oneness of humanity, in a sense, crystallizes the finest elements of  rational thought and philosophy that emerged in the course of the advance of human civilization in these lands.  As “different rivers flow through different courses to merge in the ocean”, so do different human beings through the practice of individual beliefs and faith eventually merge with humanity as a whole. This is humanism of the highest variety.

Such humanism has a strong resonance with the Communist philosophy and worldview.  The overriding concern of Marxism is humanism.  In fact, Karl Marx had once said, “Nothing human is alien to me”.  It is the pursuit of the simple question of what constitutes the real freedom of a human being and his consequent liberation, Marx proceeded to reject the Hegelian idea of the revolution of the mind as articulated by Feuerbach, during his time, to come to a conclusion of seminal importance.  This was: consciousness of a human being is determined by the social conditions and not vice a versa. “It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but on the contrary their social being that determines their consciousness”.

Marxism’s focus on changing the concrete conditions of material existence, as the basic pre-requisite for human liberation, emerges from this understanding and hence Marx’s own scientific study on the real living conditions of the people and his consequent dissection of capitalism.

It, indeed, sounds as a strange paradox that a practitioner of Marxism, a Communist foot soldier, a confirmed atheist has been invited to be here as a part of these pilgrimage celebrations.  A  great deal of controversy has always existed regarding the Marxist understanding of religion. The popular perception is the normally out of context quotation that “religion is the opium of the people”. In fact, deliberately, the passage in which this statement finds place is never quoted in the full. Marx had stated :”Religious distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of the heartless world, just as it is the spirit of the spiritless situation. It is the opium of the people”.

Religion, is the opium in the sense that it is as potent as opium in transporting human beings to an illusory world. For a human being who is oppressed, religion provides the escape for  relief, it provides  a “heart in a heartless world, a spirit in a spiritless situation.” This is the strength and power of religion. It is like opium that the people are fed, to lull themselves into submission, robbing them of their inherent potential to change the real world, and hence, remain in conditions which appear outside of both their comprehension and control.

Marxism does not attack religion per se. It’s attack is on the conditions that give rise to the conditions that perpetuate the hold of religion on the people.  The point is to change the real world; to  transform the comforts of an illusory world into concrete reality. Therefore, as a Communist, we can assure you that the CPI(M) will be the foremost upholder of every individual’s right to his/her choice of their faith and their right to maintain their beliefs and propagate them.  We will defend,  till the last breath, this right of the individual choice and protect the faith of every individual. It, therefore, necessarily follows that we shall also protect everybody against any attempt to interfere into the rights of individual liberty of faith by any body of thought or action.  This is precisely what the communal forces attempt to do today.  The CPI(M)’s opposition to communalism is, hence, integral to both its philosophy and practice.

This growth of rabid communal polarization that we see around us today runs completely in contradiction with the body of thought and action that the Guru has bequeathed to us.   This rich legacy and the philosophical activities that the Guru undertook had heralded a movement for social renaissance in Kerala.  Remember, Swami Vivekananda had once described the Kerala society as a `mad house’ of casteism.  The Guru, through his philosophy of oneness of humanity,  spread the indomitable values of equality and humanism.  Kerala was a society where caste prejudices went beyond even the obnoxious practice of untouchability. In Kerala, there was the practice of unseability. Comrade EMS Namboodiripad used to tell us that in his childhood, it was not unusual to see some `unfortunate’ human beings carrying a bell around their neck whose sound would warn the  upper castes, to take a different path!

It was the social renaissance heralded by the Guru, amongst others, that has transformed this society into one with the most progressive values in the country today. In the process, Kerala society has achieved such advances in its human development indices that it matches and, in some cases, outstrips the standards existing in the developed capitalist countries today. In the field of literacy, education, gender equality and other social parameters, Kerala proudly stands at the top on the  rest of India.

The Guru used spirituality as a propelling force for upward social mobility of the people. In this process, he developed a unique combination of materialism and spiritualism, propagating The Buddha’s preachings of the control over the Body, Word, Mind, Food and Deed.   The consecration of the Shiva Lingam in 1888 – the Aruvippuram Prathishta – remains a landmark that has gone way beyond being a symbolic gesture.

Yet another resonance with Marxist philosophy is the Guru’s emphasis on “freedom through education, strength through organisation, economic independence through industry”.  In a sense, this brings me to the point of urging all of you to explore further a thought: Spiritualism is  not to be confined within the boundaries of religion or religiosity.  Of course, there is religious spiritualism which could also be call Theistic spiritualism. On the other hand, there is also an Atheistic spiritualism. Here, spiritualism is understood as the elevation of human  consciousness to the levels of refined humanism.  Such elevation of human consciousness can be achieved as much by a materialist philosophy as it can be through a Theistic theology.  (This is a tautological term, but I am using it only to emphasise the point.)

The Guru’s philosophy spread far and wide beyond the confines of Kerala. I am told that Mahatma Gandhi came here thrice during our freedom movement.  Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore came to meet the Guru in 1922. This surely was a meeting of minds.  Tagore had by then penned the Nobel Prize winning immortal lines to awaken India: “Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high; Where knowledge is free; Where the world has not been broken up into fragments by narrow domestic walls;”.

The Guru’s teachings and personal example appear to be not merely relevant but more necessary to meet the challenges before us today.  On the one hand, the material basis of  existence for the vast mass of our people and the country, as a consequence of embracing the neo-liberal policy trajectory by the Indian ruling classes, is deteriorating. Unless material needs are satisfied, the growth of spiritualism leading to social renaissance and, therefore, to cultural renaissance would be simply impossible.  The economic policies followed  by the current government at the Centre and, to a large extent, by the government in Kerala, only buttress such material regression of our people’s lives.  These policies need to be resisted and reversed.  This is one focus of CPI(M)’s activities today.

On the other hand, the CPI(M)’s other focus is against the growing communal polarization and the vicious pursuit of consolidating the Hindutva  communal vote bank politics which is leading to severe ruptures in our society that can well destroy the unity and integrity of India.  Under the present Central government, both these aspects of anti-people economic reforms and communal polarization constitute its singular agenda.  In the process, the communal forces even make an attempt to forcibly appropriate the Guru’s philosophy and legacy.

This, simply, cannot be allowed. Such efforts, in particular, have to be defeated in order to carry ourselves to higher levels of social and material existence as envisaged and propagated by the Guru.  The efforts to replace the  rich Indian history with Hindu theology and the evolution of the syncretic Indian philosophy with a monolithic Hindu theology will have to be resisted and defeated.

I wish the Srinarayana Guru Mutt all success in its efforts to relentlessly continue to propagate the Guru’s philosophy  and vision of the `oneness of humanity’ and not permit any effort at hijacking this rich legacy to serve the narrow ends of communal forces.

Thank you once again for giving me this honour of sharing some of my thoughts at this sacred Srinarayana Guru Mutt.

NDA should focus on public investment, not serve interests of capital

17 Thursday Dec 2015

Posted by in CPI(M), Current Affairs, Left politics, NATIONAL NEWS

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  • Sitaram Yechury

Wither BJP’s electoral promise of providing ‘maximum governance; minimum government’? The Delhi chief minister’s office was raided by the CBI. Even if we were to accept the central government’s argument that this was done as part of the investigations against allegations of high-level corruption involving senior bureaucrats, how this could happen without the elected Delhi chief minister even being informed, leave alone consulted, is perplexing.

A similar yardstick is, however, not employed as far as the BJP’s state governments of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are concerned. We have seen this BJP government appointing known RSS pracharaks as governors. The state chief ministers are not consulted but merely ‘informed’ of this. Result: the Parliament session continues to be disrupted.

The central government goes on repeating ad nauseum that the opposition parties are not allowing the GST legislation to be passed, preventing healthy economic growth and prosperity of our people. There are serious objections that continue to remain unresolved regarding negation of all rights of state governments to raise resources and thereby reduce them to be mere recipients of the central government’s largesse.

Leaving aside the BJP’s opposition to the introduction of the GST during the last decade, even if this BJP government was interested in evolving a consensus on this issue, then it would have discussed this with the Opposition parties. Till date however, not a single all-party meeting was convened by this government to discuss this. The GST is not an issue to be settled merely between the BJP and the Congress.

But, the Indian economy is fast moving into a state of classical deflation. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP government continue to remain in a state of denial over the truth of our economy’s decline.

On the basis of highly dubious data-series, our GDP growth rate has been inflated. The government maintains that the real GDP growth rate is currently 7.4% while the nominal growth rate is 5.2%. This apparent anomaly arises because the government has claimed that the Wholesale Price Index has fallen by 2.2%. As far as the people are concerned, what is important is the Retail Price Index which continues to soar. Therefore, as people’s livelihood conditions deteriorate, the government propagates a fabricated high GDP growth rate.

However, capitalist calculations are always based on profitability directly related to the nominal growth rate and not the real growth rate. The Reserve Bank of India statistics for July-September 2015 on the performance of 2,711 companies shows that sales have declined by minus 4.6%, value of production by minus 5.6% and the expenditures by a minus 18.7%.

Further, the services sector (biggest GDP share) has shown a fall in net profit of a huge minus 33.9%. Clearly, investment and consumption have not picked up despite the RBI cutting the interest rates during 2015.

Gross domestic capital formation has shown a sharp decline. This means investment in the economy is declining. Further, the banking credit to industry declined by nearly 5%. Growth in manufacturing should reflect in the growth of bank credit.

All this means that employment generation in the industrial sector is on the decline, when 12 million new job seekers are added every year. According to the labour ministry’s 26th quarterly employment survey, employment in the manufacturing and export-oriented sectors fell to a four quarter low during the three months ending June 30. Most employment intensive sectors have shown a decline — 43,000 jobs from the previous quarter. Compare this with the election promise of generating an additional 25 million jobs every year.

Our exports have fallen drastically by 17.6% between April and October 2015. This is the eleventh straight month of exports reduction. FDI avenues have been recklessly enlarged, without ensuring that they will bring in investments that will increase the productive capacities of the Indian economy, skills, technology and jobs. FDI is being permitted to maximise its profits, exploiting India’s mineral, natural resources and cheap labour, with no corresponding benefits to the Indian economy and people.

The increased debt burden is forcing our farmers to commit distress suicides. There is a sharp deterioration in living standards in rural India. The growth rate of rural wages fell from 17.5% in August 2014 to 3.8% in August 2015. The agricultural ministry says the sowing area in the current rabi season is down by 18% overall. For the wheat crop, it is down by 28%, 9% for pulses and 12% pulses for oil seeds. The agricultural growth rate of a measly 0.2% in 2014-15 could well fall to a negative.

If all legitimate taxes are collected, instead of being doled out as tax concessions to foreign and domestic capital, a huge amount of revenue would be available for new and high doses of public investment. Such public investment is the only way, through which all developed economies in the world, from the US to the People’s Republic of China, have built their infrastructure, both economic and social.

If this were to be done, then India’s woeful infrastructure situation would be considerably improved. Such public investment would generate large scale new employment. This, in turn, would put the purchasing power in the hands of the people thus, expanding our domestic demand — the surest impetus for manufacturing and industrial growth.

This BJP government, however, appear undaunted. Pre-occupied with media headline management, it has employed a strategy of seeking to divert people’s attention away from growing economic burdens, by moving from one event to another while relentlessly pursuing the real RSS agenda of sharpening communal polarisation.

[Marxistindia] CPI(M) General SEcretary Sitaram Yechury’s
column in       the Hindustan Times on 15th December

Sitaram Yechury’s Speech in Parliament on November 27, 2015

30 Monday Nov 2015

Posted by in CPI(M), Current Affairs, Left politics, NATIONAL NEWS

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DISCUSSION ON COMMITMENT TO INDIA’S CONSTITUTION AS PART OF 125TH BIRTH ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION OF DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR  Contd..

SHRI ARUN JAITLEY (CONTD.): So, if Dr. Ambedkar had today stood up and proposed this provision, how would this House have reacted? ..[In Hindi]

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: These are Directive Principles. You know as much as I know. These are Directive Principles. Do not stretch that argument to such a level.

MR. CHAIRMAN: Let the hon. Speaker continue.

SHRI ARUN JAITLEY: We will go beyond Directive Principles now…[In Hindi]  “The State shall endeavour to organise agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines and shall, in particular, take steps for preserving and improving the breeds, and prohibiting the slaughter, of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle.” So if Dr. Ambedkar had proposed Article 44 and Article 48 today, how many of you would have accepted it, as Shri Sitaram Yechury says, even as a Directive Principle? …[In Hindi]

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: .[In Hindi] Dr. Ambedkar gave primacy to equality, life, liberty and dignity, the Fundamental Rights.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Mr. Jaitley, if you don’t mind, I wish to make a point. You see, you have quoted article 44. You just go to article 43A. It says, ‘…by suitable legislation…to secure the participation of workers in the management of undertakings,…’ Has that been done? Look at article 45. It says, ‘The State shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education…’ Has that been done? Then, go to article 46. It talks about promotion of educational and economic interests of SCs, STs and other weaker sections…(Interruptions)…But, you choose one article 44 and another article 48…(Interruptions)…What about providing special care? What about providing all these?

MR. CHAIRMAN: Sitaramji, please, do it when your turn comes. …(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: So, don’t pick and choose. That is what I am saying…(Interruptions)…

SHRI ARUN JAITLEY: I think, I am glad that my friend Sitaram’s best argument is that we must have equality in the matter of not following the law, because one provision has not been followed the other should not be followed.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, I am saying you should follow the entire law…(Interruptions)…No, you are not following the entire law. …(Interruptions)…

MR. CHAIRMAN: I would request all the concerned to allow the discussion…(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Why are you picking and choosing, Sir? That is my point…(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (WEST BENGAL): Sir, thank you for giving me this opportunity. ..[In Hindi] So, what we wanted was enactments of all the legislations on the basis of which we can carry forward the vision of social justice that Dr. Ambedkar stood for. Now, instead, we have a situation where the Government has come forward saying that we reaffirm our faith in the Constitution. Where is the question of reaffirming? You are here, I am here, and all of us are here on an oath on this Constitution. What is this drama of reaffirming? If the Constitution is not there, then, you won’t be here. The Government of the day must know, the Leader of the House — he is not here now — should know that they are there only because we affirm this Constitution. What is this question of now saying, “We will reaffirm”? And what is this Constitution Day, Sir?….

Go through the history. On 26th of November this Constitution was signed by the President of the Constituent Assembly. It was voted upon and the draft was adopted and in the draft you have said explicitly ‘that on the26th of January India shall be a Republic in 1950 when this draft will turn into a Constitution and we shall enact.’ Can this Government answer? I want our esteemed lawyer, the Leader of the House, to tell us what law governed India from 26th of November, 1949 to 26th of January, 1950? Was it this Constitution? Is it known, Sir? The law that governed India during those two months after you adopted this Constitution was India Independence Act, 1947 moved by the British Prime Minister Attlee in the House of Commons in London. What is this Constitution then? You were under the British law for these two months. You adopted and enacted this Constitution on the 26th of January. Now, what is this new thing that you are finding now 65 years later on the Constitution Foundation Day? You please explain to me, Sir. You are sitting on the Chair. Maybe, you have greater knowledge, but you please explain to me that when Dr. Ambedkar himself says that on 26th of January we are enacting this Constitution and we shall be a Republic, what is this 26th November? Yes, that day the Constituent Assembly adopted this draft, but that was not the Indian Constitution yet. That was not the law of our land yet. It became the law of the land on the 26th of January, 1950. Lawyers are talking like this, Sir, on the Constitution Foundation day! You want some day or the other to find yourself so that you can celebrate one more event. The Constituent Assembly met again on the 24th and 25th of January, 1950. The Jana Gana Mana as the National Anthem was adopted on the 24th of January and on the 24th and 25th all Members of the Constituent Assembly signed this Constitution and on the 26th of November only 15 out of the 395 clauses in our Constitution came into operation. Sir, 26th of January, 1950 was when the entire Constitution came into operation. So, what is this new item that we have, Sir? …(Interruptions)… You may call it item song or whatever. It is a new item now in the Indian Constitution. A senior leader of the ruling party has described our Prime Minister, charitable or uncharitable, I don’t know, it is up to their party to decide, he called him an excellent event manager. One event after another, London and after that Malaysia, after that Asia and after that Constitution Day and from tomorrow it will be Paris. They showed us an old film in my youth, “Paris ke range shyam”. That will be the event from tomorrow.

SHRI ANAND SHARMA: It cannot be in the name of a film.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: I don’t know. So, what is this event to event to event? What are we observing, Sir? I am sorry, but I think the entire, what in Hindi we call, garima of this House, of the Parliament is being undermined by these sorts of flippant events that are coming in. Yes, for 26th of November we have the highest respect for Dr. Ambedkar and for everybody else. Does this Government today know that Constituent Assembly began its work on a Resolution moved by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru called the ‘Objectives Resolution’? Does this Government know that out of the eleven sittings of the Constituent Assembly six of the sittings were devoted to the ‘Objectives Resolution’ and not to this draft? A majority of the discussions in the Constituent Assembly was on the objectives put forward by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru. Sir, that is our history. Yes, the victor always scripts the history.

SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): But, here, the victor is also trying to change the past history! Now, this is the history we have inherited. Like the hon. Leader of the House, I was also born after Independence. I think, many of us are born after Independence. And, for all of us, this is inherited history; this is our legacy. You cannot now tamper with that history and tell us a new history! Now, why this Constitution Day? I can only come to the conclusion that this is an attempt to try and worm their way into the national movement when they had no role to play at all. This is the way they want to worm themselves into the national movement and how they want to worm themselves I want to know.

How this order is given? Sir, it is a Gazette Notification saying that ‘it has been decided to celebrate 26th day of November every year as the Constitution Day.’ It is a Gazette Notification. If you want I will place it on the Table of the House. It is a notification in the Indian Gazette, dated 19th November. It is issued by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Does the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment decide a national day to be observed every year?

AN HON. MEMBER: The hon. Minister is here.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Yes, I have noticed that hon. Minister is coming in here. Hon. HRD Minister was a good fried of mine before she became a Minister. After that she does not have time and she has got very onerous responsibilities. But, I just want to know how the Gazette Notification comes on 19th and the HRD Ministry issues a circular to schools on 10th of November saying ‘observe 26th November as the Constitution Day.’ This is a Gazette issued on 19th. What is happening, Sir. Items in Indian politics. That is the only thing I can say — events. You have event management. You want to worm into the national movement when you had no role. Here, I wish to put it on record the fact that often we have heard and we will hear also, I am sure, in the course of this discussion, the role of Communists, etc., in the Freedom Struggle. That is an old charge…
(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, please don’t deduct the time of these interruptions from my time and start pressing the bell. Please don’t do that. The British Bombay Home Department, in 1942, during the Quit India Movement observed, “The Sangh has scrupulously kept itself within the law and in particular has refrained from taking part in the disturbances that broke out in August, 1942.” ..(Interruptions).. This is the record of the British Government. Now, Tarunji made a charge against the Communists. .[In Hindi].

“After large scale strikes in mills in Kanpur, Jamshedpur and Ahmedabad, a despatch from Delhi dated September 5, 1942, to the Secretary of State, in London, reported about the Communist Party of India: ‘the behaviour of many of CPI members proves what has always been clear, namely, that it is composed of anti-British revolutionaries.'”

This is the President of India telling this in the Central Hall of Indian Parliament.
(Interruptions)
…[In Hindi].  He read out Article 44 of the Constitution, Sir, which deals with it. I have the copy of the Constitution and this is the copy that belongs to the Chamber. So you cannot accuse me of any personal or fudged copy.
MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Do you think there are different copies of Constitution?

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: No, no. Sir. They may accuse me. They may accuse me, so I am reading out only from the Chamber’s copy. Even that is challenged. So you don’t argue for authentication; it is marked as Chamber’s Copy. It says, ‘the State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code.’ It was quoted. It was also quoted on the question of organisation of agricultural and animal husbandry. I pointed out then that these are Directive Principles of State Policy, which are not justifiable and enforceable, and these Directive Principles also have other things, Sir, which are not quoted. What do they say? They say, ‘the State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people.’ What did Babasaheb Ambedkar say? The same thing; that is Article 46. Article 47 says, ‘the State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the standard of living.’ Isn’t it a shame that today, the largest number of children malnutritioned are in India? Isn’t it a shame that majority of the stunted children in the world are from India, today? This is the Constitutional Directive, Article 47. What has been done? You only pick and choose what you want to do and that is where the suspicion comes as to what is your actual motive. Here in the section on Fundamental Duties that are supposed to be enforceable — you please look at your copy in your hand, Sir — Article 51A says, ‘it shall be the duty of every citizen of India.’ If you read Article 51A (f), it says, ‘to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture.’ Is it the composite culture that we are preserving, Sir? I will come to that again. What does 51A(h) say? It says, ‘to develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform.’ Sir, if we hear that Lord Ganesha was the creation of plastic surgery or Karna in the Mahabharata was the creation of stent technology and test tube babies, is that scientific temper? And it comes from no less than hon. Prime Minister. What is happening? What are you implementing? What are you wanting to implement and what not? You are only reviving the hardcore Hindutva agenda. Cow protection, you are wanting to revive. Then the entire question of equality of all citizens to liberty in life. He has quoted Article 30. He is not here, unfortunately, so I cannot request him also. He has quoted this Article 30 — you can also help me, Sir, in finding that Clause — and said that these are contradicted by Articles 29 and 30. Article 15 says, ‘the State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.’ This is Article 15, Fundamental Rights.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): He says, “Articles 29 and 30 are in contradiction”. Sir, any lawyer would know, any right always comes with what is called reasonable restrictions. I hope, Mr. Parasaran is here; there is no right which does not come without reasonable restrictions. The reasonable restrictions through Article 15 have been detailed in Articles of the Constitution, 29 and 20, where the rights of the minorities to their religion are given. Minorities here meaning not only religious but also linguistic minorities. So, it is said, “This is a contradiction. Don’t we want to remove it?” What would Dr. Ambedkar say today if you were talking about this contradiction, about this Constitution? He would say precisely the same thing that the duties of a citizen would be the spread of tolerance, and not the spread of any one particular intolerant point of view. And that is the bone of contention today, Sir. I read in the media that hon. Home Minister saying that secularism is the word that was injected into the Constitution, and, therefore, that is the cause of all problems. He has also referred to, I believe, poor old Aamir Khan; our actor is getting lampooned. He said, “Ambedkar did not leave the country. But he stayed here and struggled”. And that is what Aamir Khan also said, Sir. He did not say that he is leaving. I am glad he is staying and struggling, and then you accuse them saying that Left is sponsoring all that. Thank you for putting all those people with us. Our tribe is increasing. That is what you are doing. …(Interruptions)… But remember, Ambedkar did not leave the country. He was a patriot. But, Ambedkar renounced Hinduism and embraced Buddhism. You remember that. You remember that, and why was that? That is where the intolerance issue comes in. Sir, these are matters again of history. You cannot erase it, and if you want the question of intolerance, take the same speech of Dr. Ambedkar of 25th November, which the hon. Leader of the House was quoting. This is the same speech, and what does Dr. Ambekar say? He was talking about ‘history will repeat itself’. “Will we lose our Independence again…”, hon. Leader of the House quoted that. After that, he did not quote the rest of it. What does it say? I am quoting from that Speech of Dr. Ambedkar. “Will history repeat itself”? That is, will we lose our Independence once again? “Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above the country, I did not know”. As the Leader of the House said, if Dr. Ambedkar was here today, what would he say? He would not pose this question. He will say, “Indians are being forced to place their creed above the country”. And that is the intolerance that is happening in the country today. Then, what did Dr. Ambedkar say? “But this much is certain — this is the speech, Sir, which was quoted in the morning — if the parties place creed above country, our Independence will be put in jeopardy a second time — after all the instances he gave, which were quoted by the leader — will be put in a jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our Independence with the last drop of our blood”.

Today, when I stand up against this intolerance, I am doing exactly what Dr. Ambedkar asked us to do. Anybody who wants to say what Dr. Ambedkar said must be done, we will do exactly what Dr. Ambedkar asked us to do, i.e., raise ourselves against this sort of intolerance. This is the same Ambedkar in the same speech.

Then, we heard the question of social justice. The essential point of Dr. Ambedkar is missed out. I have quoted this a number of times in this august House, but I can’t stop myself from quoting this again.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): Now, I quote it in the full. It says, “On 26th of January, 1950” – please note once again, it is the Constitution Day, the Republic Day – “we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics, we will give equality and in social and economic life, we will have inequality. In politics, we will be recognizing the principle of ‘one man one vote’, ‘one vote one value’. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structures, continue to deny the principle of ‘one man one value’.” That is the contradiction. Then, he continues to say, “If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest. Or else, those who suffer from this inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy that this Assembly has so labouriously built”. This is Dr. Ambedkar in the same speech. What is the situation today? A hundred multi-billionaires in our country, whose asset value is close to one-half of my country’s GDP. And, according to the latest census, ninety per cent of the households in my country, today, have an income of less than Rs. 10,000, a month. Is this contradiction being resolved or are you only accentuating it further? Are we discussing issues of how we should reduce the gap in this contradiction? Instead, every foreign trip, we find a new concession to foreign capital. Fifteen new areas have been opened up to the FDI. Free Trade Agreements are ruining our domestic cultivation of commercial crops! The agrarian distress is growing. Farmers are committing suicides. Your industrial production index, as per this Government’s own statistics, this month has shown a drop from about six per cent plus to about three per cent. Manufacturing has dropped to 2.4 per cent from over 6 per cent. Industrial production is declining. Agrarian distress is deepening. …[In Hindi]

Where are we on the social justice vision of Dr. Ambedkar? I have mentioned about the atrocities on SCs and STS and about reservation. On the question of growing inequalities, the condition of our people is deteriorating. What is this contradiction? You see the reality. Are we paying homage to Dr. Ambedkar? Is this the way Modern India is actually fulfilling the vision of social justice. Forget about the political parties. Forget to which party belong, to which party you belong. As an Indian, when you are talking about these things, are we being honest to ourselves? Are we doing justice to Dr. Ambedkar and all of that generation – Nehru, Gandhi, Abul Kalam Azad, Sardar Patel – that gave us Independence and this Constitution? What had they exhorted all of us to do? Are we doing it? And, you say, “I reaffirm my faith in the Constitution.” Without reaffirming that faith, you won’t be here. What is this reaffirming of faith? Come to the federalism. What did Dr. Ambedkar say on federalism?

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Please try to conclude.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Yes, Sir. But how can I conclude federalism and intolerance and all that? …(Interruptions)… You are asking to conclude what the Government is doing.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): In a federal structure, on CentreState relations, what did Dr. Ambedkar say? He said that the Centre and the States are coequal in this matter. Sir, I am reading from the same speech. “It is difficult to see how such a Constitution can be called centralism. That is, the basic principle of fedearlism is that the legislative and executive authority is partitioned between the Centre and the States, not by any law to be made by the Centre but by the Constitution itself.” That is the essence of this Constitution. Is the principle of federalism followed, Sir? You are talking about the misuse of Article 356. That is only one part of it. We, the Kerala Government, were the first victim of Article 356, way back in the 1950s. I don’t know how many of you were there. Second time, we were victim in 1960s; twice, we were victim in Bengal, in 1967 and 1969. …(Interruptions)..

SHRI T.K. RANGARAJAN: Mr. Antony is here. He was the hero.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Hon. Antony is here. He was a hero of one of the… (Interruptions).. But, Sir, all that apart, what is fedearalism? Not merely equality, that independent respect of the States, are we granting it today? Then, you talked of judiciary. Let me tell you, what Dr. Ambedkar said about judiciary is very, very interesting. I am quoting from the same speech, ” Courts may modify, they cannot replace”, please note, “Courts may modify, they cannot replace, they can revise earlier interpretations as new arguments, new points of view are presented. They can shift the dividing line in marginal cases, but there are barriers they cannot pass, definite assignments of power they cannot reallocate. They can give a broadening construction of existing powers, but they cannot assign to one authority powers explicitly granted to another.” The separation and the complementarity of the Executive, the Judiciary and the Legislature are hallmarks of our Constitution. Now, this is as far as your Judiciary is concerned. But what worries me about is you are paying homage to Dr. Ambedkar. Remember, Sir, from 1946 to 1950, what was the condition of the world? Millions of people were under colonial subjugation. When these countries became independent, what we did in India was, actually, a revolutionary step then. We granted universal adult suffrage, which nobody else of these countries granted. …(Interruptions).. Europe did not grant and not even the United States of America. President Obama came here. All of us were very excited in the Central Hall, both sides. Everybody was saying, wah wah, President Obama came here, and, then, he wrote in the Golden Book — there is no gold in that book — of our Parliament, “Greetings from the world’s oldest democracy to the world’s largest.” This was his message. Yes, this was the message he gave. I had to point it out later that evening at the President’s banquet. I said, “Sir, I think, this is a wrong definition that you are the world’s oldest democracy.” He said, “Why’? I said, “Sir, you got the right to vote, that is, American-Africans, universally in the United States of America in 1962, one year after you were born. The universality of adult franchise in the United States of America came only in 1962; in India, we gave it in 1950.” Whether you are a dalit, you are a landlord, whether you are a Muslim, whether you are a Hindu, we gave it in 1950. And, today, Sir, what is happening? In Haryana, 86 per cent of the people will be kept out of their right to vote and right to contest elections because of various conditions. The State Government has said that unless you fulfil these conditions, you cannot contest or you cannot vote.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): In Rajasthan, you put conditions whereby more than half the people are excluded from the universal suffrage. In Gujarat, you have said, ‘unless you have a toilet, a pucca toilet, in your house, you cannot vote or contest in local elections’. All these three States have got a BJP State Government. You come here to pay homage to Dr. Ambedkar and the one important thing that has been done by the Indian Constitution on universal adult suffrage, you deny it to people in the States which have a State Government that is led by the BJP. …(Time-bell)…

Sir, I know you will press the bell. But the point is that you please consider all these things. The Ruling Benches are empty. I don’t know who will convey, what and to whom when the reply comes on Monday.

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: The Ministers are there. …(Interruptions)… They will do it. …(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, I sympathize with my friend, Shri Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi. How much burden can he carry, Sir? How much can he go and report upstairs saying that this is all that has been said and you please answer that? And, even the officers have deserted the officials’ block. So, I don’t know if anybody is taking note of all this. We understand many of these things. They ignore us normally. …(Interruptions)…

AN HON. MEMBER: This shows their commitment.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: But, Sir, since you are pressing the bell, let me come down to my final points. The Leader of the House made an interesting and a very interesting reference to the Third Reich and Germany. Wonderful, Sir. We are happy, and I must pay my gratitude to the Leader of the House for having reminded me of the Third Reich and Germany and the dangers of authoritarianism. Sir, in 1939, when the debate in the country was going on as to what should be the character of Independent India, there was a book, which was not thought that it would be very important but a book which had a very, very important implication for Indian politics and India’s future, and that was a book called ‘We, or our Nationhood Defined’ by Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar. He is called the RSS Guru. And, since the Leader of the House mentioned the Third Reich, I only want to quote from that book about the Third Reich. That book is, ‘We, or Our Nationhood Defined’. Who is ‘we’? In Hindi ‘Swaraj.’ ..[In Hindi]  That is the entire import of that book..he talked saying that ‘only Hindus and Hindus alone are inhabitants of this country’. And, then, what does he say about the Third Reich? I am quoting, “To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by purging the country of the semitic Races, the Jews”. I will take a break here, Sir, for a moment. You please draw the parallels in India — who is that instead of the Jews and who is that for the Race and the culture and its purity. I continue with the quote. “Race pride at its highest has been …” …(Interruptions)…

SHRI V.P. SINGH BADNORE: Sir, which book is he referring to? …(Interruptions)…

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: From which book are you quoting? …(Interruptions)…

SHRI ANAND SHARMA: He is quoting from scriptures of your party. …(Interruptions)…

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: You say from which book you are quoting. …(Interruptions)…
SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, my good friend, Mr. V.P. Singh Badnore, may not be so much in tune with the RSS as he is a BJP M.P. But let me tell him that the name of the book is: ‘We, or Our Nationhood Defined’. I am quoting from page no. 35. This book was published in 1939 by Bharat Prakashan, republished by Bharat Prakashan, Second Edition, again in 1944. That is the authenticity. That book must be available in library if it is not already removed. I mean, they have this habit also of removing all these books. But otherwise, this book should be in the Parliament library. Otherwise, I will help you. I will give you a copy.
SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (contd.): Now, it is in this book, on page 35. I repeat that quote; it says, “To keep up the purity of the race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by purging the country of the semetic races, the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for races and cultures having differences going to the root to be assimilated into one united whole. A good lesson for us..” Please understand this.

SHRI V. P. SINGH BADNORE: We cannot do that. That is why! What is that commentary?…(Interruptions)… We cannot do it. What is wrong in it? …(Interruptions)…
SHRI TAPAN KUMAR SEN: He is not saying anything wrong. Why are you getting agitated? …(Interruptions)…

SHRI V. P. SINGH BADNORE: We cannot do that. That is why he has said so. What is wrong in that?…(Interruptions)…

SHRI TAPAN KUMAR SEN: He is not saying anything wrong, Mr. V.P. Singh. …(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, let me complete. …(Interruptions)… Sir, let me complete. ..(Interruptions)…

SHRI V. P. SINGH BADNORE: We cannot do that. That is why he has said…(Interruptions)… What is wrong with that? …(Interruptions)… What is he trying to do? …(Interruptions)….

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Please, you would get a chance. You may reply to that; you would get your chance….(Interruptions)…. You can reply to that. You would get your chance. You say that he is misinterpreting. When you get your chance, you may correct it. …(interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: I am quoting verbatim. And if you want, shall I re-quote the whole thing?
MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: No, no; there is no need for that. It is all on record. …(Interruptions)….
SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Have you followed so far?

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Yes, yes. Now, you need to conclude also. There is no time. …(Interruptions)…

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, let me conclude with just one sentence – “A good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by.” This is about the Third Reich that the hon. Leader of the House was reminding us about.

SHRI V. P. SINGH BADNORE: We thought this is wrong. That is why we…(Interruptions)

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Now, please conclude. …(Interruptions)…
SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: This is exactly what this Hindu Rashtra is all about, Sir. That is why, if you want to pay homage and our shraddhanjali to Dr. Ambedkar, please remember what he said in the speech finally. I would like to quote to you what he said about creed: “Without equality, you cannot have liberty. Without fraternity, you cannot have equality and liberty. Without equality and fraternity – fraternity means sadbhavna – …you cannot have liberty.” If you are celebrating India’s freedom and its liberty, equality and fraternity are the two things on which there can be no compromise. And that is precisely what is being compromised in this furtherance of the atmosphere of intolerance.
Sir, finally, let me end by quoting Dr. Rajendra Prasad. When he was about to put his signatures on this draft, the future President of India, quoted these lines. He was not yet the President of India; he became the President of India only on the 26th of January and, then, it was said that the Governor General, Dr. Rajagopalachari, cannot administer an oath to our President because the Governor General is an appointee of the British. So, the Chief Justice was called, in this Central Hall, and he administered the oath. After that Dr. Rajendra Prasad administers the oath for an interim  Government, adopts this Constitution, administers the oath and directs that under this new Constitution, fresh elections be held after delimitation is completed. That election was held in 1952. And today, we hear, Sir, that Sardar Patel was being denied from being India’s first Prime Minister. Unfortunately, poor Sardar died in 1950; the first election was in 1952. .(Interruptions). Is that understood, Sir? Now, if there is some magic and some tantra through which like Lord Ganesha somebody who is dead and gone can be brought back alive, unfortunately, to be the Prime Minister, I can understand! That apart, what did Dr. Rajendra Prasad say? I am quoting this and ending, Sir. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, in his address, hailing that we adopted this Constitution, says, “After all, a Constitution, like a machine, is a lifeless thing.”

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): “…It acquires life because of the men who control it and operate it. India needs today nothing more than a set of honest men who will have the interest of the country before them.” I am sure when Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Dr. Ambedkar talked about ‘men’, they included the ‘women’ also. So, please don’t take offence; I am sure, at that time, women were also part of it. “There is a fissiparous tendency arising out of various elements in our life”, said Dr. Rajendra Prasad on November 26, 1949. He said, “We have communal differences, caste differences, language differences, provincial differences and so forth. It requires men of strong character, men of vision, men who will not sacrifice the interests of the country at large for the sake of smaller groups and areas and who will rise over the prejudices which are born out of these differences. We can only hope that the country will throw up such men in abundance.” Is that the case? I rest my case by asking you the question. What are we seeing today? Have we produced such men in abundance? If not, I think it is time to correct the notion. If you want to do actual reaffirmation to our Constitution and pay our homage to Dr. Ambedkar, …(Interruptions)…

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Okay.
SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Please don’t okay me here, Sir, you will also be a part of it. All of us will have to sincerely pay homage to this, and that is what we need to do. Thank you, very much for giving me time. (Ends)